American Power Still The Best Hope For Peace

"Deep inside many pacified, integration loving, defense-expenditure-cutting Europeans is the memory of what Europe once was and could become again: realpolitik, mechanized for war; and horrifically efficient at killing en masse." American Power: Still the Best Hope for Peace takes readers on a 100 year journey that explains how the United States has prevented major nations from going to war with each other for nearly 70 years. From Europe to the Middle East and most importantly, in East Aisa, American power has kept the peace. Unfortunately, through poor policy choices the United States will soon be unable to continue this role. Will the current generation of Americans shrug this responsibility or rise to meet the challenge?

Paul D. Miller offers a tough minded critique of recent trends in American grand strategy. He rejects retrenchment but also the excesses of liberal internationalism. He prescribes a conservative internationalist grand strategy to preserve the American security and leadership in the world while avoiding overstretch. Originally written before the 2016 US presidential election, this first paperback edition contains a new preface that repositions the book’s argument for the Trump era. Miller explains why President Trump’s nationalist vision for American grand strategy damages US interests and world order. Miller blends academic rigor with his experiences as former member of the National Security Council and intelligence community to offer prescriptions for US grand strategy. He advocates for narrowing regional priorities and focusing on five strategic objectives: balancing against the nuclear autocracies, championing liberalism to maintain a favorable balance of power, thwarting the transnational jihadist movement, investing in governance in weak and failed states, and strengthening homeland security. This book is a must read for scholars and students of international affairs and for anyone who is concerned about America’s role in the world.

This controversial book maintains that in Colombia the US has long supported a pervasive campaign of state violence directed against both armed insurgents and a wide range of unarmed progressive social forces. While the context may change from one decade to the next, the basic policies remain the same: maintain the pro-US Colombian state, protect US economic interests and preserve strategic access to oil. Colombia is now the third largest recipient of US military aid in the world, and the largest by far in Latin America. Using extensive declassified documents, this book shows that the so-called "war on drugs", and now the new war on terror in Colombia are actually part of a long-term Colombian "war of state terror" that predates the end of the Cold War with US policy contributing directly to the human rights situation in Colombia today.

Globalization has brought wealth and progress to most of the world. At the same time population levels have mushroomed, urban centers greatly expanded, inequalities sharpened and with the poor and workless aggrieved at the widening gap resistance has often turned violent. Though terrorism is multi-causal, the urban ghettos provide ready made recruiting ground for insurgents. The cause of social justice and human rights has visibly faltered under the impact of intensifying competition, political radicalization together with the upsurge of fundamentalist creeds. Manifestly, time has come to take stock before tensions will worsen. Alarming as portends may seem, as events such as the Ukrainian Orange Revolution as well as the spontaneous aid initiatives in response to the tsunami disaster demonstrate, it is no less apparent that one can look forward towards realistic prospects for progress and peace.

One episode dominates the memory of Lyndon Johnson's presidency: the Vietnam War. The war has so darkened Johnson's reputation that it is difficult for many to recall his policies in a positive light-- especially his foreign policy. Now historian H.W. Brands offers a fresh look at Johnson's handling of international relations, putting Vietnam in the context of the many crises he confronted and the outdated policies of global containment he was expected to uphold. The result is a fascinating portrait of a master politician at work, maneuvering through a series of successes that made his ultimate failure in Vietnam all the more tragic. In The Wages of Globalism, Brands conducts a witty and insightful tour through LBJ's foreign policy--a tour that begins in Washington, runs through Santa Domingo, Nicosia, and Jakarta, and ends in Saigon. He opens with a thoughtful portrayal of the tense, often fruitful relationship between the domineering Johnson and his advisers--Dean Rusk, Robert McNamara, George Ball, Clark Clifford, Walt Rostow--as he picked up Kennedy's legacy and sought to make it his own. Leaving Vietnam for the end, Brands presents the various crises with all the force the White House felt at the time: the Dominican intervention, India impending famine and war with Pakistan, the coup against Sukarno in Indonesia, France's departure from NATO's unified command, the threat of fighting between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus, the Six Day War, and the worry that Germany might acquire nuclear weapons. In each, Brands captures the uncertainty in Washington and the conflicting advice that Johnson received. The picture that emerges is remarkably positive, revealing the president's ability to pick his way through fierce complexities. He forcefully stopped a war over Cyprus; handled de Gaulle with equanimity and skill; and--over the objections of all his advisers--intentionally delayed shipping grain to famine-threatened India, creating a real momentum for agricultural reform in that country that ultimately led to self-sufficiency. Only in Vietnam did Johnson's sure balance of determination and judgment break down: worried about his domestic program and the need to stand firm against aggression, he let his determination run away with him. "In 1947," H.W. Brands writes, "Truman made a bad bargain with history." By the time Johnson inherited the White House, it had become painfully clear that America was no longer supreme in the world, able to prop up the status quo worldwide. In this fascinating, behind-the- scenes account, Brands shows how skillfully Johnson steered the nation into the new era--until, in Southeast Asia, politics and his own personality led him into the ultimate trap of the Truman Doctrine.

"What is most striking about Mr. Nixon's charge to seize the moment, nearly all of which is sensible and sound, is the continuity of his counsel." —The New York Times “In Moscow, Khrushchev arrogantly predicted to me, 'Your grandchildren will live under communism.' I responded, 'Your grandchildren will live in freedom.' At the time, I was sure he was wrong, but I was not sure I was right. As a result of the new Soviet revolution, I proved to be right. Khrushchev's grandchildren now live in freedom." In this brilliantly timed book, Richard Nixon defines the challenges and opportunities facing America as the world's sole superpower. Only American leadership, he contends, can guide the turbulent post-Soviet Union world toward freedom and prosperity and make the 21st century an American century. Forcefully dismissing the three prevailing post-Cold War myths about America—that "history has ended" with the defeat of communism, that military power had become irrelevant, and that America is a declining power—Nixon charts the course America must take in the future to seize this moment in history.