Antislavery Violence

During the sixty years preceding the Civil War, violent means were often used to combat slavery in the United States. In this collection of essays, ten scholars explore the circumstances in which such violence arose, the aims of those responsible for it, and its impact on events of the day. Reflecting a variety of perspectives and approaches, this is the first book devoted exclusively to this important subject. Previous studies have concentrated on how white, northeastern, professedly nonviolent abolitionists sometimes endorsed or engaged in forceful action against slavery. This volume goes beyond that emphasis to examine the role of antislavery violence in a variety of regional, racial, ideological, and chronological contexts. Its broad focus includes southern slave rebels, antislavery women in Kansas, violent slave rescuers in Ohio, and northern antislavery politicians. Antislavery Violence challenges the notion that violence within the antislavery movement was unusual prior to the 1850s, showing that such violence in fact lay deep in American history and culture. It establishes that antislavery violence served to unite slavery's black and white enemies and reveals how antebellum concepts of gender played a role in the justification of or participation in such violence. Finally, by stressing the role of violence within the antislavery movement, the collection encourages a fresh appreciation of that movement as a major precursor to the much more violent Civil War. Seeking neither to condemn nor to glorify acts of political violence against slavery, these essays reveal them as a product of a particular time, culture, intellectual framework, and political environment. The book will challenge readers to ponder the subtlety, ambiguity, distaste, and exaltation with which Americans living a century and a half ago wrestled with the issue of reform through violent means. The Editors: John R. McKivigan is Mary O'Brien Gibson Professor of History at Indiana University-Purdue University at Indianapolis. He is the author of The War against Proslavery Religion: Abolitionism and the Northern Churches.Stanley Harrold is professor of history at South Carolina State University and the author of The Abolitionists and the South.

Shows how theater was essential to the anti-slavery movement's consideration of forceful resistance

From its origins in the 1750s, the white-led American abolitionist movement adhered to principles of "moral suasion" and nonviolent resistance as both religious tenet and political strategy. But by the 1850s, the population of enslaved Americans had increased exponentially, and such legislative efforts as the Fugitive Slave Act and the Supreme Court's 1857 ruling in the Dred Scott case effectively voided any rights black Americans held as enslaved or free people. As conditions deteriorated for African Americans, black abolitionist leaders embraced violence as the only means of shocking Northerners out of their apathy and instigating an antislavery war. In Force and Freedom, Kellie Carter Jackson provides the first historical analysis exclusively focused on the tactical use of violence among antebellum black activists. Through rousing public speeches, the bourgeoning black press, and the formation of militia groups, black abolitionist leaders mobilized their communities, compelled national action, and drew international attention. Drawing on the precedent and pathos of the American and Haitian Revolutions, African American abolitionists used violence as a political language and a means of provoking social change. Through tactical violence, argues Carter Jackson, black abolitionist leaders accomplished what white nonviolent abolitionists could not: creating the conditions that necessitated the Civil War. Force and Freedom takes readers beyond the honorable politics of moral suasion and the romanticism of the Underground Railroad and into an exploration of the agonizing decisions, strategies, and actions of the black abolitionists who, though lacking an official political voice, were nevertheless responsible for instigating monumental social and political change.

In this book, Cleves argues that American fears of the violence of the French Revolution led to antislavery, antiwar, and public education movements.

A New York Times bestselling author reveals the story of a nearly forgotten moment in American history, when mass violence was not an aberration, but a regular activity—and nearly extinguished the Abolition movement. The 1830s were the most violent time in American history outside of war. Men battled each other in the streets in ethnic and religious conflicts, gangs of party henchmen rioted at the ballot box, and assault and murder were common enough as to seem unremarkable. The president who presided over the era, Andrew Jackson, was himself a duelist and carried lead in his body from previous gunfights. It all made for such a volatile atmosphere that a young Abraham Lincoln said “outrages committed by mobs form the every-day news of the times.” The principal targets of mob violence were abolitionists and black citizens, who had begun to question the foundation of the U.S. economy — chattel slavery — and demand an end to it. Led by figures like William Lloyd Garrison and James Forten, the anti-slavery movement grew from a small band of committed activists to a growing social force that attracted new followers in the hundreds, and enemies in the thousands. Even in the North, abolitionists faced almost unimaginable hatred, with newspaper publishers, businessmen with a stake in the slave trade, and politicians of all stripes demanding they be suppressed, silenced or even executed. Carrying bricks and torches, guns and knives, mobs created pandemonium, and forced the abolition movement to answer key questions as it began to grow: Could nonviolence work in the face of arson and attempted murder? Could its leaders stick together long enough to build a movement with staying power, or would they turn on each other first? And could it survive to last through the decade, and inspire a new generation of activists to fight for the cause? J.D. Dickey reveals the stories of these Black and white men and women persevered against such threats to demand that all citizens be given the chance for freedom and liberty embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Their sacrifices and strategies would set a precedent for the social movements to follow, and lead the nation toward war and emancipation, in the most turbulent era of our republic of violence.

American Mobbing, 1828-1861: Toward Civil War is a comprehensive history of mob violence related to sectional issues in antebellum America. David Grimsted argues that, though the issue of slavery provoked riots in both the North and the South, the riots produced two different reactions from authorities. In the South, riots against suspected abolitionists and slave insurrectionists were widely tolerated as a means of quelling anti-slavery sentiment. In the North, both pro-slavery riots attacking abolitionists and anti-slavery riots in support of fugitive slaves provoked reluctant but often effective riot suppression. Hundreds died in riots in both regions, but in the North, most deaths were caused by authorities, while in the South more than 90 percent of deaths were caused by the mobs themselves. These two divergent systems of violence led to two distinct public responses. In the South, widespread rioting quelled public and private questioning of slavery; in the North, the milder, more controlled riots generally encouraged sympathy for the anti-slavery movement. Grimsted demonstrates that in these two distinct reactions to mob violence, we can see major origins of the social split that infiltrated politics and political rioting and that ultimately led to the Civil War.

This book, the latest in the Seminar Studies in History series, examines the movement to abolish slavery in the US, from the origins of the movement in the eighteenth century through to the Civil War and the abolition of slavery in 1865. Books in this Seminar Studies in History series bridge the gap between textbook and specialist survey and consists of a brief "Introduction" and/or "Background" to the subject, valuable in bringing the reader up-to-speed on the area being examined, followed by a substantial and authoritative section of "Analysis" focusing on the main themes and issues. There is a succinct "Assessment" of the subject, a generous selection of "Documents" and a detailed bibliography. Stanley Harrold provides an accessible introduction to the subject, synthesizing the enormous amount of literature on the topic. American Abolitionists explores "the roles of slaves and free blacks in the movement, the importance of empathy among antislavery whites for the suffering slaves, and the impact of abolitionism upon the sectional struggle between the North and the South". Within a basic chronological framework the author also considers more general themes such as black abolitionists, feminism, and anti-slavery violence. For readers interested in American history.

First published in 1973, this book remains the authoritative work on the various radical movements that grew out of antislavery ideas in the 1840s and 1850s. Lewis Perry argues that the idea of the government of God was central to the abolitionists' conviction that slavery was a sin: no person could claim to be master over another without violating divine sovereignty. Potentially anarchistic, this view posed challenges to other forms of "slavery" in American society - in the church, the government, the family, and even reform organizations - and led radical abolitionists to experiment with new styles of political action and community life. Perry identifies some striking weaknesses that emerged in antislavery thought by the eve of the Civil War. The abolitionists' devotion to the right of private judgment made it difficult for them to determine which responses to violence and slavery were appropriate and which were not. And despite the emphasis on self-liberation, the abolitionists failed significantly to establish any role for slaves in their own emancipation. The war further aggravated such confusions and inconsistencies, and after the war much of the radicalism in antislavery thought was forgotten. Yet the key issues with which the radical abolitionists wrestled - race, violence, women's rights, pacifism, and the role of government - retain their relevance in today's society. For this edition, Perry offers a new preface that connects his original conclusions about radical abolitionism with the most recent scholarship in the history of African Americans and women.