Austria 1867 1955

Austria 1867-1955 connects the political history of German-speaking provinces of the Habsburg Empire before 1914 (Vienna and the Alpine Lands) with the history of the Austrian Republic that emerged in 1918. John W. Boyer presents the case of modern Austria as a fascinating example of democratic nation-building. The construction of an Austrian political nation began in 1867 under Habsburg Imperial auspices, with the German-speaking bourgeois Liberals defining the concept of a political people (Volk) and giving that Volk a constitution and a liberal legal and parliamentary order to protect their rights against the Crown. The decades that followed saw the administrative and judicial institutions of the Liberal state solidified, but in the 1880s and 1890s the membership of the Volk exploded to include new social and economic strata from the lower bourgeoisie and the working classes. Ethnic identity was not the final structuring principle of everyday politics, as it was in the Czech lands. Rather social class, occupational culture, and religion became more prominent variables in the sortition of civic interests, exemplified by the emergence of two great ideological parties, Christian Socialism and Social Democracy in Vienna in the 1890s. The war crisis of 1914/1918 exploded the Empire, with the Crown self-destructing in the face of military defeat, chronic domestic unrest, and bitter national partisanship. But this crisis also accelerated the emergence of new structures of democratic self-governance in the German-speaking Austrian lands, enshrined in the republican Constitution of 1920. Initial attempts to make this new project of democratic nation-building work failed in the 1920s and 1930s, culminating in the catastrophe of the 1938 Nazi occupation. After 1945 the surviving legatees of the Revolution of 1918 reassembled under the four-power Allied occupation, which fashioned a shared political culture which proved sufficiently flexible to accommodate intense partisanship, resulting, by the 1970s, in a successful republican system, organized under the aegis of elite democratic and corporatist negotiating structures, in which the Catholics and Socialists learned to embrace the skills of collective but shared self-governance.

Austria 1867-1955 connects the political history of German-speaking provinces of the Habsburg Empire before 1914 (Vienna and the Alpine Lands) with the history of the Austrian Republic that emerged in 1918. John W. Boyer presents the case of modern Austria as a fascinating example of democratic nation-building. The construction of an Austrian political nation began in 1867 under Habsburg Imperial auspices, with the German-speaking bourgeois Liberals defining the concept of a political people (Volk) and giving that Volk a constitution and a liberal legal and parliamentary order to protect their rights against the Crown. The decades that followed saw the administrative and judicial institutions of the Liberal state solidified, but in the 1880s and 1890s the membership of the Volk exploded to include new social and economic strata from the lower bourgeoisie and the working classes. Ethnic identity was not the final structuring principle of everyday politics, as it was in the Czech lands. Rather social class, occupational culture, and religion became more prominent variables in the sortition of civic interests, exemplified by the emergence of two great ideological parties, Christian Socialism and Social Democracy in Vienna in the 1890s. The war crisis of 1914/1918 exploded the Empire, with the Crown self-destructing in the face of military defeat, chronic domestic unrest, and bitter national partisanship. But this crisis also accelerated the emergence of new structures of democratic self-governance in the German-speaking Austrian lands, enshrined in the republican Constitution of 1920. Initial attempts to make this new project of democratic nation-building work failed in the 1920s and 1930s, culminating in the catastrophe of the 1938 Nazi occupation. After 1945 the surviving legatees of the Revolution of 1918 reassembled under the four-power Allied occupation, which fashioned a shared political culture which proved sufficiently flexible to accommodate intense partisanship, resulting, by the 1970s, in a successful republican system, organized under the aegis of elite democratic and corporatist negotiating structures, in which the Catholics and Socialists learned to embrace the skills of collective but shared self-governance.

The University of Chicago Readings in Western Civilization (nine volumes) makes available to students and teachers a unique selection of primary documents, many in new translations. These readings, prepared for the highly praised Western civilization sequence at the University of Chicago, were chosen by an outstanding group of scholars whose experience teaching that course spans almost four decades. Each volume includes rarely anthologized selections as well as standard, more familiar texts; a bibliography of recommended parallel readings; and introductions providing background for the selections. Beginning with Periclean Athens and concluding with twentieth-century Europe, these source materials enable teachers and students to explore a variety of critical approaches to important events and themes in Western history. Individual volumes provide essential background reading for courses covering specific eras and periods. The complete nine-volume series is ideal for general courses in history and Western civilization sequences.

To read most histories of art, you might be forgiven for supposing that great artists are superhuman, and the knowledge of different movements, periods and styles is essential to truly appreciate art. It's time to look at art in a new way. THE POWER OF ART delves into the stories behind remarkable acts of creation in fifteen global cities at pivotal moments of artistic brilliance. It shows how art is an integral part of our daily lives, embedded in the very fabric of our existence. From the enduring wonders of ancient Babylon to the menacing pastel architecture of contemporary Pyongyang, eminent curator Caroline Campbell intertwines the stories of artists with the broader social, cultural and political landscapes of their time. In each vivid episode, Campbell reveals how art, in all its forms, is a testament to humanity's inventiveness and ingenuity: it has served our fundamental needs for shelter, sustenance, spirituality, pleasure, order and community. But it can also evoke envy, anger, greed, and even be used as a means of social control. Spanning thousands of years of creativity, THE POWER OF ART will ignite your imagination and open your eyes to the art that surrounds us, whether it be a painting in a gallery, a public sculpture or an everyday object with hidden beauty.

Government Poverty and Incentive Pensions in the Nineteenth Century -- The Emergence of the War Welfare Field from Peace to War -- A Social Offensive on the Home Front -- The Last-Ditch Effort to Save the Monarchy -- War Victims, a New Power Factor -- A Republic with "the Correct National and Social Sensibilities" -- "The Public's Interest in Invalids Has Waned."

Amateur film and amateur media practices have attracted increasing interest in recent decades in the context of the "visual turn". Questions of agency, participatory and political/militant film practices, and of representations of "self" and "other" are of interest as well as the institutions and networks of amateur productions. This special issue of "zeitgeschichte" contributes to this field of research by examining international and transnational developments of amateur films in the period after the Second World War. The collected contributions analyze national specifics and regional shapings of practices as well as cultural constructions in amateur film and video, they trace transnational entanglements of amateur media and tackle cross-border amateur filmmaking and internationally and globally shared discursive references and uses of metaphors in video activism. The authors elaborate parallels to organizational structures in amateur film practices in specific sociopolitical and cultural contexts and discuss aspects of memory and the appropriation of hegemonic visual cultures in individual film practices.