China And Indian Ocean Strategic Interests In The 21st Century

In the Post-Cold War Era, the balance of redistribution of power has more shifted to Asia. China's rise in world affairs is... More > one of the main principal trends that define the new global order and China's increasing diplomatic, economic and military strength has compelled countries to rethink existing security strategies. As Chinese strategic interests lie in the Indian Ocean, the Indian Ocean and the states on its littoral are of growing strategic importance.

The book focuses on analyzing the turbulent situation in the Indian Ocean from the political, economic and security perspectives. It discusses topics ranging from the major powers’ great game in the Indo-Pacific and China’s countermeasures, to China and India’s reciprocal demands and potential conflicts in the Indian Ocean. It also addresses the relations between the Indian Ocean region and China’s economic security and provides an in-depth analysis of the prospects of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.

This edited book is the outcome of the International Conference on ‘China in Indian Ocean Region’, held on 13th–14th November 2014, organized by UGC Centre for Indian Ocean Studies, Osmania University, Hyderabad. Indian Ocean, third largest ocean in the world surpasses the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans as the world’s largest and most strategically significant trade corridor. Indian Ocean Region (IOR) which is surrounded by Africa, Asia and Australia serves as a maritime highway, linking trans-continental human and economic relationships. Being the world’s most populated region, one third of the world’s bulk cargo and around two thirds of world’s oil ship tankers pass through it. China’s interest in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) can be traced back to the early 1960s. Ever since Beijing has been increasingly deepening its presence in the IOR for a variety of reasons—oil, trade, security, etc., over 30 per cent of China’s seaborne trade worth about US $300 billion transits across IOR. Sharing a quarter of the world’s population, China faces ever increasing demand for energy. China has little choice but to look beyond its borders for its energy needs. About 77 per cent of its oil imports are sourced from West Asia and Africa and these are transported through the Indian Ocean. Thus China’s dependence on the Indian Ocean continues to grow for energy imports from the Gulf, to import resources from Africa and trade with Europe. With China steadily spreading its footprints in the Indian Ocean Region with increasing military presence and with the rapidly growing Navy being equipped with warships, destroyers and nuclear submarines, this book analyses in depth growing Chinese influence in Indian Ocean Region (IOR), Geopolitical interests of China, Security and Economic implication for India. This volume will be of considerable interest to the students and scholars of international relations in the contemporary situation.

This book analyses China’s maritime strategy for the 21st century, integrating strategic planning, policy thinking and strategic prediction. This book explains the construction and application of China's military, political, economic and diplomatic means for building maritime power, and predicts the future of China's maritime power by 2049, as well as development trends in global maritime politics. It explores both the strengths and the limitations of President Xi’s ‘Maritime Dream’ and provides a candid assessment of the likely future balance at sea between China and the United States. This volume explains and discusses China’s claims and intentions in the East and South China Seas and makes some recommendations for China's future policy that will lessen the chance of conflict with the United States and its closer neighbors. This book will be of much interest to students of maritime strategy, naval studies, Chinese politics and International Relations in general.

This is the first academic study of India's emerging maritime strategy, and offers a systematic analysis of the interplay between Western military thought and Indian maritime traditions. By a quirk of historical fate, Europe embarked on its Age of Discovery just as the main Asian powers were renouncing the sea, ushering in centuries of Western dominance. In the 21st century, however, Asian states are once again resuming a naval focus, with both China and India dedicating some of their new-found wealth to building powerful navies and coast guards, and drawing up maritime strategies to govern the use of these forces. The United States, like the British Empire before it, is attempting to manage these rising sea powers while preserving its maritime primacy. This book probes how India looks at the sea, what kind of strategy and seagoing forces New Delhi may craft in the coming years, and how Indian leaders may use these forces. It examines the material dimension, but its major premise is that navies represent a physical expression of a society's history, philosophical traditions, and culture. This book, then, ventures a comprehensive appraisal of Indian maritime strategy. This book will be of interest to students of sea power, strategic studies, Indian politics and Asian Studies in general. James R. Holmes is an Associate Professor of Strategy at the U.S. Naval War College and a former U.S. Navy surface warfare officer. Toshi Yoshihara is an Associate Professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the Naval War College. Andrew C. Winner is Professor in the Strategic Research Department at the U.S. Naval War College.

In the twenty-first century, the Indo-Pacific, which spans from the western Pacific Ocean to the western Indian Ocean along the eastern coast of Africa, has emerged as a crucial geostrategic region for trade, investment, energy supplies, cooperation, and competition. It presents complex maritime security challenges and interlocking economic interests that require the development of an overarching multilateral security framework. This volume develops common approaches by focusing on geopolitical challenges, transnational security concerns, and multilateral institution-building and cooperation. The chapters, written by a cross-section of practitioners, diplomats, policymakers, and scholars from the three major powers discussed (United States, China, India) explain the opportunities and risks in the Indo-Pacific region and identify specific naval measures needed to enhance maritime security in the region. Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific opens by introducing the Indo-Pacific and outlining the roles of China, India, and the United States in various maritime issues in the region. It then focuses on the security challenges presented by maritime disputes, naval engagement, legal issues, sea lanes of communication, energy transport, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, as well as by nontraditional threats, such as piracy, terrorism, and weapons proliferation. It compares and contrasts the roles and perspectives of the key maritime powers, analyzing the need for multilateral cooperation to overcome the traditional and nontraditional challenges and security dilemma. This shows that, in spite of their different interests, capabilities, and priorities, Washington, Beijing and New Delhi can and do engage in cooperation to deal with transnational security challenges. Lastly, the book describes how to promote maritime cooperation by establishing or strengthening multilateral mechanisms and measures that would reduce the prospects for conflict in the Indo-Pacific region.

Maritime power has been a key defining parameter of economic vitality and geostrategic power of nations. This book explores how the first decade of the 21st century has witnessed the rise of China and India as confident economic powers pivoting on high growth rates, exponential expansion of science, technology and industrial growth.

While the strategic dynamics in the IOR are complex and involve many powers there is little doubt that the “strategic triangle” involving the US, China and India is one of the key traditional security issues facing the IOR. Given Sri Lanka’s geopolitically significant location in the IOR this strategic triangle is bound to have an impact on its national interests and security. The central questions raised by this volume are the following: What are the prospects of competition and cooperation within the strategic triangle? What structure or pattern will the triangular relations assume? How can stability be maintained in the triangular relationship in the interest of peace in the IOR? and What would be the impact of this strategic triangle on a small country such as Sri Lanka situated in a geopolitically significant location in the IOR? The dynamics of the US-China-India strategic triangle in the IOR will be complicated, containing elements of both competition and cooperation. The research contained in the substantive chapters of this volume present a multiplicity of views on the possible patterns that the strategic triangle can assume. Based on Harry Harding’s typology of the strategic triangle in international affairs, these include: one mediating the conflict between the other two; two-against-one; and all-working-together. The multiplicity of patterns that the strategic triangle could assume indicate that there is likely to be considerable fluctuation in its structure. What is important in maintaining stability is that the competition is not allowed to become unmanageable, and the fostering of cooperation based on common interests. The US-China-India strategic triangle poses Sri Lanka as a country situated in a geopolitically significant location in the IOR with both challenges and opportunities. The most fundamental challenge is posed by the tendency of each of these three major powers to subordinate Sri Lanka to their grand strategic objectives and interaction with each other. The fundamental opportunity presented to Sri Lanka by the strategic triangle is that of using its geopolitical importance to each of these three major powers by virtue of its location in the IOR to its own advantage in a way that best serves its national interests.