China S Policies On Its Borderlands And The International Implications

This book examines the interplay of two sets of policies: the Chinese government's policies to its borderlands and international relations. It proposes a conceptual framework and argues that China's policymakers fail to make complete use of the opportunities in the borderlands for accomplishing foreign policymakers' agenda to strengthen China's relations with other countries, neighboring ones in particular. As a result, these foreign policies reflect the political elites' inadequate consideration of the negative impact of these policies on the borderlands, and underscore their worry for territorial disintegration. Therefore these policies center on the pursuit of central control through exercising administrative-military coercion, making the borderlands economically dependent, standardizing the cultural identity, and indoctrinating CCP-defined ideology. The challenges of the borderlands to the national integration are exaggerated so much that political elites pursued control and standardization at the expense of the identification of many people in borderlands with the regime, China's international image and the relations with its neighbouring countries.

This book examines, comprehensively, the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation, the regional organisation which consists of China, Russia and most of the Central Asian countries. It charts the development of the Organisation from the establishment of its precursor, the Shanghai Five, in 1996, through its own foundation in 2001 to the present. It considers the foreign policy of China and of the other member states, showing how the interests and power of the member states determine the Organisation’s institutions, functional development and relations with non-members. It explores the Organisation’s activities in the fields of politics and security co-operation, economic and energy co-operation, and in culture and education, and concludes with a discussion of how the Organisation is likely to develop in future. Throughout, the book sets the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation in the context of China’s overall strategy towards Central Asia.

The return of Macao from the Portuguese administration to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1999 marks the beginning of its transformation in the 21st century. Macao was confronted with various issues concerning then existing political system, economic downturn and gangland violence during the transition period. Beijing put Macao under the "One country, Two Systems" and implemented a wide variety of measures in order to restore its law and order as well as to recover its tourism dependent economy. Gradually, Macao transformed itself to "Las Vegas of the East". This volume of 18 essays highlights the key dimensions of Macao's remarkable "One country, Two Systems" actualisation experience in its first 15 years, and discusses how Macao transformed and what challenges it encountered during its post-handover transformation. The volume has several focuses. It first investigates the political and electoral issues in a critical manner─ post-handover Macao suffered from maladministration and limited democratization, and the chief executives selected lacked representativeness due to restricted public participation in the electoral process. Overall speaking, the government lacked legitimacy and popular support. From a socio-economic point of view, this book looks into the business model in running Macao's casinos and the emerging culture of mass participation and youth participation in political affairs. The education reformation and changes in civic identity of local Macao Chinese are also addressed. Finally, the volume looks into how post-handover Macao relates itself in the international politics affair.

The book focuses on international cultural relations dealing with cultural heritage in terms of heritage diplomacy. The contributors discuss the potentials and limitations of heritage diplomacy and how it could be approached in theory, policy, and praxis. Cultural heritage is an essential element in transmitting values, establishing narratives of historical and contemporary connectivity, and creating subjective and collective identities and a feeling of belonging. During the past decade, the potential of cultural heritage for state foreign policy and in international heritage governance has attracted increasing interest among heritage scholars. This potential, however, remains under-researched in the broader spectrum of international cultural relations. This volume aims to critically explore the previous research on heritage diplomacy, develop its theoretical basis and scope, and thereby extend the discussion to new topics and themes. The articles extend the discussion of cultural heritage from its role in ‘soft power’ and foreign policy to a dialogic approach within international cultural relations. Such an approach deconstructs existing hierarchies in domestic and international power relations and understands cultural heritage as a contact zone that fosters people-to-people connectivity and cooperation based on trust. Heritage Diplomacy: Discourses, Imaginaries and Practices of Heritage and Power will appeal to upper-level students, researchers, and academics interested in Heritage Studies, Cultural Studies, Anthropology, International Relations, and Policy Studies. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of The International Journal of Cultural Policy.

This book examines China’s relations with its weak peripheral states through the theoretical lens of structural power and structural violence. China’s foreign policy concepts toward its weak neighbouring states, such as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ strategy, are premised on the assumption that economic exchange and a commitment to common development are the most effective means of ensuring stability on its borders. This book, however, argues that China’s overreliance on economic exchange as the basis for its bilateral relations contains inherently self-defeating qualities that have contributed and can further contribute to instability and insecurity within China’s periphery. Unequal economic exchange between China and its weak neighbours results in Chinese influence over the state’s domestic institutions, what this book refers to as ‘structural power’. Chinese structural power, in turn, can undermine the state’s development, contribute to social unrest, and exacerbate existing state/society tensions—what this book refers to as ‘structural violence’. For China, such outcomes lead to instability within its peripheral environment and raise its vulnerability to security threats stemming from nationalism, separatism, terrorism, transnational organised crime, and drug trafficking, among others. This book explores the causality between China’s economically-reliant foreign policy and insecurity in its weak peripheral states and considers the implications for China’s security environment and foreign policy. This book will be of much interest to students of Chinese politics, Asian security studies, international political economy and IR in general.

This book exclusively addresses the political, historical and important contemporary strategic implications of the decades-long Socotra Rock dispute between China and South Korea. It is one of several maritime disputes involving China and a smaller state, and for which maritime law offers no apparent remedy. There is little doubt it will continue to be a problem in the future and should no longer be overlooked. The submerged rock, located between mainland China and the Korean Peninsula, straddles the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea. As China continues asserting its sovereignty and jurisdiction in maritime areas, this book will provide food for thought for scholars, think-tank researchers, and policymakers.

China’s territorial disputes have been a matter of debate since the 1950s. While China has amicably resolved boundary disputes with 12 out of 14 neighbouring countries, it is yet to resolve its boundary disputes with India and Bhutan as also its two martime disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea. Given that the prediction for the settlement of China’s remaining disputes is largely doubtful, this book investigates the reasons for differences in Chinese behaviour with India. China’s boundary dispute with India is a subject of deliberation and it remains to be seen whether China plans to devise its ‘boundary diplomacy’ with a country as huge and strong as India.