Chinese Communists And The West

This extensive and accurate dictionary covers the Chinese communist revolution along with the international communist movement. While most leading Chinese communists went abroad, many foreign communists and leftists went to China for political and cultural exchange. The two hundred individuals in this biographical dictionary provided the crucial link between revolutionary movements in China, Europe, and America. The book also includes many Chinese who played important roles in the Comintern and went on to fill senior positions in the PRC.

One of the central issues in the study of the Chinese Communist Party and its foreign policy is its relations with Moscow. Was the CCP a Chinese nationalist party antagonistic to an intrusive Soviet Union or was it rather an internationalist party with ideological-political and strategic-military ties to Moscow, faithfully adhering to Marxist-Leninist principles as well as to Stalin's policy advice? For the past two decades a number of historians have argued that the CCP was a nationalist movement and that the United States missed its opportunity to establish friendly relations because U.S. leaders were blinded by fears of an international Communist threat. In his provocative book, Michael Sheng strongly challenges this position. On the basis of extensive new information obtained from recently available Chinese sources, Sheng demonstrates that the foreign policy of the CCP under Mao Zedong did, in fact, follow the directions recommended by Joseph Stalin. Sheng reveals that Mao and Stalin were in frequent and direct contact by radio and by correspondence, beginning in 1936, and that Mao consistently acted on Stalin's advice. Battling Western Imperialism analyzes the CCP's relations with both the Soviet Union and the United States and provides conclusive evidence that there was no "lost opportunity" for the U.S. in China. He shows that the CCP viewed the United States as a hostile capitalist power that opposed its revolutionary aims. The author has drawn on an unprecedented collection of Chinese-language materials to make a powerful new argument.

In contrast to the Lost Generation of youth in the West, who were disoriented and disillusioned by the First World War and its aftermath, the Chinese youth born between 1895 and 1905 not only believed they had a duty to “save” their nation but pursued their goal through social and political experimentation. The vigorous purpose and optimism of this Found Generation contrasted with the apathy and detachment of their Western counterparts, who followed a different path in coming to terms with the new world of the twentieth century. Just after the First World War, sixteen hundred Chinese young men and women traveled to Europe, most of them to France, as members of the Work-Study Movement. Their goal was to study Western technology and culture and utilize this knowledge to achieve “national salvation,” and they planned to finance their study at European schools by factory work. While in Europe, many of these students became politicized, partly through their exposure to European political ideas such as Marxism, and partly through the social network based on shared experience that transcended what would have separated them in China. One important result of this political activity was the formation of the European Branches of the Chinese Communist ORganizations (ECCO). The Found Generation explores the origins, development, and significance of the ECCO, highlights the differences between it and the Communist home organization, and describes its impact on the Chinese Communist Party. The founders of the ECCO shared values and goals with their compatriots in China, but their experiences and opportunities in Europe molded them in different ways that can be traced in their later careers. On their return to China, many of the young activists--including Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yi, Cai Hesen, Li Lisan, Zhu De, Nie Rongzhen, and Wang Ruofei--quickly assumed powerful positions in Chinese politics, and their influence is still felt today. Levine’s examination of the early experiences of this important cohort of Chinese leaders helps explain their adherence to the Leninist concept of Party discipline and their tenacious hold over central governmental power. The Found Generation is a pioneering study based on original sources (including interviews with several prominent participants in the Work-Study Movement and the ECCO), Chinese studies and memoirs, and Chinese and French periodicals. It provides otherwise unavailable information and analysis about the political leadership of modern China and, by pointing out the differences between the Chinese radicals in Europe in China, it furthers our understanding of the conflicts, motivations, and values of modern Chinese leaders.

Providing fresh analysis of the history and politics of Chinese communism, this book utilizes previously inaccessible sources to reassess the epic Long March. It sheds new light on the revolutionary momentum and political structure of the Chinese Communist Party in the 1930s.

“A historical classic” that brings Mao Tse-tung, the Long March, and the Chinese revolution to vivid life (Foreign Affairs). Journalist Edgar Snow was the first Westerner to meet Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Communist leaders in 1936—and out of his up-close experience came this historical account, one of the most important books about the remarkable events that would shape not only the future of Asia, but also the future of the world. This edition of Red Star Over China includes extensive notes on military and political developments in the country; interviews with Mao himself; a chronology covering 125 years of Chinese history; and nearly a hundred detailed biographies of the men and women who were instrumental in making China what it is today.

This book, a study of revolution in China, considers movements of Western origin, such as Christianity or Communism, only as they appear in the Chinese context, treating them as integral factors in the Chinese revolutionary situation.

In this pathbreaking book, Xiaoyuan Liu establishes the ways in which the history of the Chinese Communist Party was, from the Yan’an period onward, intertwined with the ethnopolitics of the Chinese “periphery.” As a Han-dominated party, the CCP had to adapt to an inhospitable political environment, particularly among the Hui (Muslims) of northwest China and the Mongols of Inner Mongolia. Based on a careful examination of CCP and Soviet Comintern documents only recently available, Liu’s study shows why the CCP found itself unable to follow the Russian Bolshevik precedent by inciting separatism among the non-Han peoples as a stratagem for gaining national power. Rather than swallowing Marxist-Leninist dogma on “the nationalities question,” the CCP took a position closer to that of the Kuomintang, stressing the inclusiveness of the Han-dominated Chinese nation, “Zhongua Minzu.”