Constitution Of Capital

The essays in this collection address specific themes in Volume I of Marx's Capital . Although the essays can be read independently, they present complementary perspectives on issues at the cutting edge of recent scholarship on Marx's work. Although all Parts of Capital I are discussed, the book is not intended to be a textbook. It will be read by specialists in the field as well as graduate students in the history of economic thought, political economy and philosophy.

"The approach taken in this monograph reflects a need to try to understand the Constitution in theory and practice. The study addresses the range of powers available to respective governments and then looks again at the limits to which governments have gone to utilize levers traditionally thought to be outside their responsibility - to see, in otherwords, whether the constitutional text can be circumvented by the actions of government. As well, the study looks at developing areas of controversy in the financial field to try to position the debate for the next amendments to the Bank Act. At stake is the use of vast pools of capital. It will be an area in which we may soon again see constitutional litigation."--Preface.

Are Thomas Piketty’s analyses of inequality on target? Where should researchers go from here in exploring the ideas he pushed to the forefront of global conversation? In After Piketty, a cast of economists and other social scientists tackle these questions in dialogue with Piketty, in what is sure to be a much-debated book in its own right.

Excerpt from A Plea for the Introduction of Responsible Government: And the Representation of Capital Into the United States, as Safeguards Against Communism and Disunion Here, Hamilton ascribes the fact that' the Crown had long since ceased to veto bills, not to the fact that the Constitution compelled the Crown to modify its cabinet and its policy to agree with the bill, but to the art with which the Crown succeeded in controlling elections and Parliament. Whether this were true when Hamilton wrote it, or not, it certainly would not be true to-day. To - day, ' if a bill which the government opposes passes the Heuse of Commons, the cabinet must either resign or dissolve the Parliament, and call an election, in which election the people will decide whether to sustain the old cabinet or the bill. If they elect a new house favorable to the old cabinet, then the bill is dropped. If they elect a new house favorable to the bill, then the old cabi net goes out, and a new one, favorable to the bill, goes in; and hence no bill ever passes both houses, so as to reach the Queen for the royal assent, until her cabinet approve it and are ready to advise her to sign it. As Blackstone's Commentaries, written a few years earlier than The Fed eralist, nowhere utter this doctrine, that the Crown must modify its cabinet to agree with the House of Commons, though, in practice, it had for some time been the usage, it is probable that it had not then become a doctrine of the English Constitution, but was regarded as most of the features of the English Constitution in their origin were - as a privilege accorded by the favor and grace of the Crown. Certainly there is nothing in the writings of the framers of our Constitution to indicate that they regarded it as a doctrine of English constitutional law at that time. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

The Constitution of the Australian Capital Territory provides a detailed reference work for those who need to understand the constitutional arrangements that exist for the government of the Australian Capital Territory. It provides an outline and explanation of the Commonwealth laws which make up the constitution of the Australian Capital Territory, most importantly the Australian Capital Territory (Self-Government) Act 1988 (Cth). The book also covers: the establishment of the Territory and the history of its government since 1911; a detailed examination of the Commonwealths constitutional power to make laws for the government of the Territory and the extent to which the power in s. 122 of the Constitution is qualified by other provisions of the Constitution; the granting of self-government in 1989; the constitutional framework for the Legislative Assembly and the power of the Assembly to make laws and the scope of executive and judicial power in the Territory, and the division of responsibilities for land management in the Territory between the Commonwealth and Territory governments.--

In 1949, United Nations Constitutional Assistance (UNCA) was conceived to promote the Western liberal constitution. This was colonial trusteeship. However, in 1960, as a step towards decolonization, the United Nations General Assembly rejected internationalized constitution-making, and, by extension, UNCA. All colonies acquired the right to draft their own constitutions without any international assistance. Nonetheless, in the same year, UNCA was revived and since then it has helped over 40 developing sovereign states to adopt the Western liberal constitution, for the aims of building peace, preventing conflict, and promoting good governance in these independent states. This book scrutinizes UNCA and its off-shoot, UN/International Territorial Administration (ITA), including their historical origins and revival from 1960 to 2019. Sripati argues that although the United Nations (UN) uses UNCA to help developing sovereign states secure debt relief, it undertakes UNCA to ‘modernize’ them with a view to ‘strengthen’ their supposedly weakened sovereignty. By doing so, the UN is seeking these states’ adoption of a Western liberal-style constitution, thus violating their right to self-determination. The book shows how UNCA sires and guides UN (legislative) assistance in all state-sectors: security, judicial, electoral, commercial, parliamentary, public administration, and criminal. Irrespective of UNCA’s benevolent motivations, such intrusive interventions impose the old forms of domination and perpetuate global inequality.