Contextualizing Occupy Central In Contemporary Hong Kong

In the past 18 years, after the handover of the former British colony Hong Kong to China, Beijing and the Special Administration Region (SAR) have been trying to work out a mutually beneficial relationship based on pragmatism and a focus on economic prosperity. The Occupy Central with Love and Peace in Hong Kong (September to December 2014) movement represents a significant event in Hong Kong's history of public advocacy for change by pro-democracy residents. It is viewed differently by various groups within Hong Kong, including eliciting counter-reactions from an opposing movement. To contextualize the current discussions, the authors have identified three phases of the movement; and included a historical anatomy of Hong Kong's quest to reach an equilibrium between status quo and changes advocated through its social movements. Though the account does not pretend to be comprehensive, it distils the most significant events in each of the three stages of the movement. Centrist, moderate, and conservative views on Occupy Central, as well as the liberal and progressive positions on the movement are discussed and analyzed in the book. Contents:PrefaceIntroductionBeijing's initial response to the First Phase (28 September to 6 October 2014) of Hong Kong's Occupy Central ProtestsThe Aesthetics of Hong Kong's "Umbrella Revolution" in the First Ten Days: A Historical Anatomy of the First Phase (28 September 2014 to 6 October 2014) of Hong Kong's Umbrella RevolutionThe Hong Kong Occupy Central Protests Phase IICentrist/Moderate/Conservative Views of Occupy MovementA Liberal and Progressive View of Occupy Movement and a Short Historical Survey of Contemporary Social Movements in Hong Kong and ChinaInterview with a PractitionerLooking Forward: Immediate/Long Term Implications and Regional ImpactPhase III of the Occupy Movement Chronology with Black and White Photo PlatesConclusion Readership: Academics, professionals, undergraduates and graduate students interested in China's politics, China's governance, Hong Kong's Pro-Democracy Movement, One Country, Two Systems. Key Features:A unique multidisciplinary approach, combining overseas diaspora studies on Hong Kong's tycoons, with studies of the Chinese political system examined in the context of a social movementA timely review of Hong Kong's Occupy Central movementCase studies embedded within larger macro-political discussions on the Chinese political system, interactions between its political and socioeconomic elites, and center-periphery political interactions between Beijing and Hong Kong Keywords:Pro-Democracy Movement;Occupy Central;Umbrella Revolution;Yellow Ribbon;Democracy;Universal Suffrage;Election;Hong Kong;Beijing;One Country, Two Systems;Social Movement;Protest;Tycoon;Business Elite;China;Rich;Wealth;Mong Kok;Admiralty

The Occupy movement in Hong Kong was sustained for about 80 days because of government tolerance, the presence of determined participants, and a weak leadership. The government tolerated the occupation because its initial use of force, in particular teargas, was counterproductive and provoked large-scale participation. Unlike other social movements, such as the 1989 Tiananmen movement, the Occupy movement reached its peak of participation at the very beginning, making it difficult to sustain the momentum. The presence of determined participants who chose to stay until the government responded was crucial to the sustaining of the movement. These self-selected participants were caught in a dilemma between fruitless occupation and reluctance to retreat without a success. The movement lasted also because the weak leadership was unable to force the government to concede or devise approaches for making a "graceful exit." Consequently, site clearance became the common choice of both the government and the protestors. This book develops a new framework to explain the sustaining of decentralized protest in the absence of strong movement organizations and leadership. Sustained protests are worth research because they not only reveal the broad social context in which the protests arise and persist but also point out the dynamics of the escalation or the decline of the protests. In addition, sustained protest may not only lead to more dramatic action, but they also result in the diffusion of protests or lead to significant policy changes.

When China issued its paper on how the next Chief Executive of Hong Kong would be selected they decided what they thought was best for Hong Kong since its return and incorporation into China. However, the reaction to China's decision was probably not expected nor were the events that followed. With the protests the Hong Kong government had to react and when Occupy Central actually took place their reaction had to be stronger. This book deals with the government reactions to the protests. It shows various government public announcements, of the events, as they unfolded as they tried to find an end to the protests.

In a comprehensive and theoretically novel analysis, Take Back Our Future unveils the causes, processes, and implications of the 2014 seventy-nine-day occupation movement in Hong Kong known as the Umbrella Movement. The essays presented here by a team of experts with deep local knowledge ask: how and why had a world financial center known for its free-wheeling capitalism transformed into a hotbed of mass defiance and civic disobedience? Take Back Our Future argues that the Umbrella Movement was a response to China's internal colonization strategies—political disenfranchisement, economic subsumption, and identity reengineering—in post-handover Hong Kong. The contributors outline how this historic and transformative movement formulated new cultural categories and narratives, fueled the formation and expansion of civil society organizations and networks both for and against the regime, and spurred the regime's turn to repression and structural closure of dissent. Although the Umbrella Movement was fraught with internal tensions, Take Back Our Future demonstrates that the movement politicized a whole generation of people who had no prior experience in politics, fashioned new subjects and identities, and awakened popular consciousness.

The European Yearbook of Constitutional Law (EYCL) is an annual publication devoted to the study of constitutional law. It aims to provide a forum for in-depth analysis and discussion of new developments in the field, both in Europe and beyond. This second volume examines the constitutional positioning of cities across space and time. Unrelenting urbanisation means that most people are, or soon will be, living in cities and that city administrations become, in many respects, their quintessential governing units. Cities are places where State power is operationalised and concretised; where laws and government policies transform from parchment objectives to practical realities. In a similar vein, cities are also places for the realisation of the constitutional rights and liberties enjoyed by individuals. The book is organised around three sets of relations that await further unpacking in theory as well as practice: that between cities and other institutions in the national constitutional architecture; that between cities and their inhabitants; and that between cities and international organisations. The contributions to this book show the marked diversity in the role and powers available to cities in Europe and beyond, and identify principles and approaches to help stipulate new ways of thinking about the legal role and relevance of cities going forward. Ernst Hirsch Ballin is distinguished university professor at Tilburg University and vice-dean for research of Tilburg Law School. Gerhard van der Schyff is associate professor at Tilburg Law School, Department of Public Law and Governance. Maarten Stremler is lecturer at Maastricht University, Faculty of Law, Department of Public Law. Maartje De Visser is associate professor at SMU School of Law, Singapore.

Examines the political dynamics of constitutional review in hybrid regimes in the context of China's Special Administrative Regions.

This volume will look into some macro factors that have an impact on gender conceptualizations in China. First, China is a highly-centralized state with a one-party political system that is also an authoritarian strongman regime. Thus, policies (including those related to gender) from the center are promulgated centripetally to provinces, cities, towns, villages, and local areas effectively.In terms of policy-making, the Chinese government noted that they have strengthened the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) guide for women's work, enacted/upgraded rights protection law in the National People's Congress (NPC), actualized mechanisms for women's cause in the Chinese People's Political Conservative Conference (CPPCC), streamlined work systems for effective implementation of national gender equality policies, and augmented the Women's Federation as an intermediary between the Communist Party of China (CPC), the state, and all Chinese women.As productive forces, Chinese women in the socialist era were exemplary models of mothers and career women who treated family life and work as equally important priorities. They were upper middle class to high net worth individuals who showed their successes in juggling both as objects of moral suasion for other Chinese women in state-led publicity. Some of them were touted by the state as ideal modern Chinese women in state media, moral suasion campaigns, and/or propaganda.

This book unpacks the complex dynamics of Hong Kong students’ choice in pursuing undergraduate education at the universities of Mainland China. Drawing on an empirical study based on interviews with 51 students, this book investigates how macro political/economic factors, institutional influences, parental influence, and students’ personal motivations have shaped students’ eventual choice of university. Building on Perna’s integrated model of college choice and Lee’s push-pull mobility model, this book conceptualizes that students’ border crossing from Hong Kong to Mainland China for higher education is a trans-contextualized negotiated choice under the "One Country, Two Systems" principle. The findings reveal that during the decision-making process, influencing factors have conditioned four archetypes of student choice: Pragmatists, Achievers, Averages, and Underachievers. The book closes by proposing an enhanced integrated model of college choice that encompasses both rational motives and sociological factors, and examines the theoretical significance and practical implications of the qualitative study. With its focus on student choice and experiences of studying in China, this book’s research and policy findings will interest researchers, university administrators, school principals, and teachers.