Ddr And Ssr In War To Peace Transition

While disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR) have become integral statebuilding tools in post-conflict states, the existing empirical literature examining their relationship has focused on supply-side considerations related to the programming of both processes. In practice, though, DDR and SSR are implemented in the wider context of war-to-peace transitions where the state is attempting to establish a monopoly over the use of force and legitimize itself in the eyes of domestic and international communities. This paper therefore assumes that to identify opportunities and constraints for establishing closer practical linkages between DDR and SSR it is important to take the local politics into consideration. It examines two past externally driven peacebuilding interventions in West Africa, namely Liberia and Sierra Leone, featuring cases in which the central state had essentially fragmented or collapsed. Through this comparative analysis, the paper aims to provide a stepping-stone for future studies examining demand-side considerations of DDR and SSR in post-conflict contexts. This work was published by Saint Philip Street Press pursuant to a Creative Commons license permitting commercial use. All rights not granted by the work's license are retained by the author or authors.

While disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR) have become integral statebuilding tools in post-conflict states, the existing empirical literature examining their relationship has focused on supply-side considerations related to the programming of both processes. In practice, though, DDR and SSR are implemented in the wider context of war-to-peace transitions where the state is attempting to establish a monopoly over the use of force and legitimize itself in the eyes of domestic and international communities. This paper therefore assumes that to identify opportunities and constraints for establishing closer practical linkages between DDR and SSR it is important to take the local politics into consideration. It examines two past externally driven peacebuilding interventions in West Africa, namely Liberia and Sierra Leone, featuring cases in which the central state had essentially fragmented or collapsed. Through this comparative analysis, the paper aims to provide a stepping-stone for future studies examining demand-side considerations of DDR and SSR in post-conflict contexts.

This book explores the conditions under which non-state armed groups (NSAGs) participate in post-war security and political governance. The text offers a comprehensive approach to post-war security transition processes based on five years of participatory research with local experts and representatives of former non-state armed groups. It analyses the successes and limits of peace negotiations, demobilisation, arms management, political or security sector integration, socio-economic reintegration and state reform from the direct point of view of conflict stakeholders who have been central participants in ongoing and past peacebuilding processes. Challenging common perceptions of ex-combatants as "spoilers" or "passive recipients of aid", the various contributors examine the post-war transitions of these individuals from state challengers to peacebuilding agents. The book concludes on a cross-country comparative analysis of the main research findings and the ways in which they may facilitate a participatory, inclusive and gender-sensitive peacebuilding strategy. Post-War Security Transitions will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, security governance, war and conflict studies, political violence and IR in general.

It is estimated that more than 300,000 children are involved in armed conflicts throughout the world, the vast majority through forced labour. This publication contains the personal views and experiences of child soldiers, highlighting a number of factors contributing to their participation, including the socio-economic and political environment, and their vulnerable personal circumstances, as well as how diverse risk factors interact. These personal stories also draw attention to the gender dimensions of the problem, and to concept of child soldiers 'volunteering' in armed conflict situations. The book then goes on to explore key factors in the development of a comprehensive strategy to tackle the problem, including addressing issues of breakdown of law and order, availability of weapons, extreme forms of social exclusion including poverty and inequality, lack of educational opportunities, widespread child abuse and child labour. The publication includes profiles of conflict situations in Afghanistan, Colombia, the Congo, Northern Ireland, Sierra Leone, South Africa and Sri Lanka.

The Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants is a critical aspect of conflict prevention in countries emerging from civil war. It is often designed and implemented in post-war situations to contribute to broader national recovery efforts through Security Sector Reform (SSR), primarily to support the twin objectives of 'sustainable peace' and 'development'. The justification for the DDR was based on the perception that 'peace requires breaking the command-and-control structures operating over rebel fighters... thus making it more difficult for them to return to organised rebellion' (Spear, 2002, p. 141). Following the ending of the war between the Sudanese's Government and the Southern rebels - the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in 2005 (Rolandsen, 2011), the security arrangements mandated the implementation of a DDR. According to the peace accord, the main antagonists, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the SPLM/A should demobilise a substantial number of their forces. The accord envisaged the DDR in South Sudan as a provisional security measure to facilitate the fundamental challenge of proportional downsizing of force, rationalisation and standardisation of ex-guerrilla forces into a national army. During implementation, the DDR in South Sudan fell short of meeting its envisaged objectives. This failure formed the basis of this project's research question: What are the factors affecting the DDR in South Sudan? The main challenge cited by this project is the conflict's context in Sudan. The war between military Islamists in the North and the radical secessionists in the South created a political situation characterised by conflicting security and political demands, which sought a military strategic balancing and conflict manipulation. In the post-war South/ern Sudan, the effort to conduct the DDR was met with hostile socio-political conditions based on an attempt to maintain the status-quo of a united Sudan versus partitionist demands. This contradiction caused a tense post-war transition, a situation 'best described as a no peace-no war environment (Munive, 2013, p. 586). Despite the importance attributed to DDR in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the unwillingness by the SPLM/A to downsize its force, and the perils of designing and applying such a complicated process, failed the initial CPA-DDR. The SPLM/A was extremely hesitant or unwilling to downsize its forces 'due to a perception that the CPA was merely a ceasefire with the North' (Munive, 2013, p. 586). In South Sudan, however, the internal outlooks were not supportive of the DDR. The devastating civil war resulted in a humanitarian catastrophe that claimed the lives of millions and drove more away from their homes between 1983-2005. Since then, South Sudan has been undergoing a process of violence and security configurations between the different ethno-political groups. This condition makes it difficult for the Southern Sudanese to maintain the requirements for the DDR, especially the capacity to reintegrate the demobilised ex-combatants. Thus, this thesis identifies various socio-political and economic factors affecting the process of DDR in South Sudan. One of the main issues emphasised is that South Sudan emerged from war too fragile and fragmented along ethno-political lines. In this challenging situation, the DDR confronts debilitating problems. This lack of capacity means the South Sudanese state cannot meet certain functions that require centralised use of force. The main emphasis is that South Sudan emerged from war to peace, from rebellion to government, and from contested territory to statehood, in quick transition. This region has been without government or supreme authority for a long time and hence developed alternative governments. This fragmentation of authorities allowed multiple armed structures to emerge, with intersecting influences on the use of force.

‘The Security-Development Nexus: Peace, Conflict and Development’ approaches the subject of the security-development nexus from a variety of different perspectives. Chapters within this study address the nexus specifically, as well as investigate its related issues, particularly those linked to studies of conflict and peace. These expositions are supported by a strong geographical focus, with case studies from Africa, Asia and Europe being included. Overall, the text’s collected essays provide a detailed and comprehensive view of conflict, security and development.

Gender oppression has been a feature of war and conflict throughout human history, yet until fairly recently, little attention was devoted to addressing the consequences of violence and discrimination experienced by women in post-conflict states. Thankfully, that is changing. Today, in a variety of post-conflict settings--the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Colombia, Northern Ireland --international advocates for women's rights have focused bringing issues of sexual violence, discrimination and exclusion into peace-making processes.In On the Frontlines, Fionnuala Ni Aolain, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Naomi Cahn consider such policies in a range of cases and assess the extent to which they have had success in improving women's lives. They argue that there has been too little success, and that this is in part a product of a focus on schematic policies like straightforward political incorporation rather than a broader and deeper attempt to alter the cultures and societies that are at the root of much of the violence and exclusions experienced by women. They contend that this broader approach would not just benefit women, however. Gender mainstreaming and increased gender equality has a direct correlation with state stability and functions to preclude further conflict. If we are to have any success in stabilizing failing states, gender needs to move to fore of our efforts. With this in mind, they examine the efforts of transnational organizations, states and civil society in multiple jurisdictions to place gender at the forefront of all post-conflict processes. They offer concrete analysis and practical solutions to ensuring gender centrality in all aspects of peace making and peace enforcement.