Democracy S Privileged Few

Placing legislative privilege in historical context, Josh Chafetz compares the freedoms and protections of members of the United States Congress with those of Britain's Parliament.

This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1910 edition. Excerpt: ... CHAPTER XXV THE DEMOCRACY OF TO-MORROW We are beginning to see that democracy is something more than the freedom to speak, to write, to worship as one wills, to be faced with one's accusers, and to be tried by one's peers; it involves far more than the absence of absolute government or the tyranny of an hereditary caste. The right of participation in the government, irrespective of birth, race, and creed, and the substitution of manhood suffrage and democratic forms for monarchical institutions, do not of themselves constitute democracy, immeasurably valuable as these achievements are. Democracy, too, involves far more than a system of taxation that is ethically just; it involves far more than the right to trade where one wills, unrestrained by tariff laws; it involves far more than the taking by the community of the wealth that the community creates or the ownership by the people of the highways, so essential to the common life. These fundamental changes in the relation of mankind to its environment do not constitute an end in themselves, any more than does the right of the ballot or of participation in the government. All these things are but means to an end, and that end is industrial freedom, a freedom as full and as free to the poor as to the rich, to the next generation and the generations which follow as it was to the generations which spread themselves out upon an unappropriated continent. Freedom is an industrial far more than a political condition. Unfortunately the idea of freedom suggests license when demanded for all, just as it involves license when enjoyed by the few. Privilege invokes the beneficence of freedom when it would stay the hand of the state in any attempt to control its excesses, just as it invokes the perils...

Excerpt from Privilege and Democracy in America Down to the beginning of the nineteenth century government was merely the will of a class. Politics mirrored the wish of the privileged orders. And the motive which inspired the governing classes was primarily an economic one. This interpretation of politics has only begun to influence the writing of history. Yet in this motive is to be found the cause of wars and of peace, of intrigue and of diplomacy, of force and of fraud, of practically all legislation relating to religion, taxation, industry, and the rela tion of classes. The struggles of kings and parlia ments, of burghers and peasants, of cities and over lords had their origin in the desire to use the agencies of government for the advantage of one or the other of the contending orders. We have only to study the Parliamentary struggle which has just closed in Great Britain, to see a confirmation of this fact. In this instance the conflict was carried on by peaceful means. But the motive of the struggle was the same. It was a warfare of classes, organized through parties instead of with armed retainers, but bent on the control of the govern ment for economic advantage. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

This antiquarian volume contains a comprehensive treatise on democracy and education, being an introduction to the 'philosophy of education'. Written in clear, concise language and full of interesting expositions and thought-provoking assertions, this volume will appeal to those with an interest in the role of education in society, and it would make for a great addition to collections of allied literature. The chapters of this book include: 'Education as a Necessity of Life'; 'Education as a Social Function'; 'Education as Direction'; 'Education as Growth'; 'Preparation, Unfolding, and Formal Discipline'; 'Education as Conservative and Progressive'; 'The Democratic Conception in Education'; 'Aims in Education', etcetera. We are republishing this vintage book now complete with a new prefatory biography of the author.

The first book to uncover the hidden and powerful role campaign professionals play in shaping American democracy by delving into the exclusive world of politicos through off-the-record interviews We may think we know our politicians, but we know very little about the people who create them. Producing Politics will change the way we think about our country’s political candidates, the campaigns that bolster them, and the people who craft them. Political campaigns are designed to influence voter behavior and determine elections. They are supposed to serve as a conduit between candidates and voters: politicos get to know communities, communicate their concerns to candidates, and encourage individuals to vote. However, sociologist Daniel Laurison reveals a much different reality: campaigns are riddled with outdated strategies, unquestioned conventional wisdom, and preconceived notions about voters that are more reflective of campaign professionals’ implicit bias than the real lives and motivations of Americans. Through over 70 off-the-record interviews with key campaign staff and consultants, Laurison uncovers how the industry creates a political environment that is confusing, polarizing, and alienating to voters. Campaigns are often an echo chamber of staffers with replicate backgrounds and ideologies; most political operatives are white men from middle- to upper-class backgrounds who are driven more by their desire to climb the political ladder than the desire to create an open conversation between voter and candidate. Producing Politics highlights the impact of national campaign professionals in the US through a sociological lens. It explores the role political operatives play in shaping the way that voters understand political candidates, participate in elections, and perceive our democratic process—and is an essential guide to understanding the current American political system.

This volume includes 22 new pieces by leading political philosophers, on traditional issues (such as authority and equality) and emerging issues (such as race, and money in politics). The pieces are clear and accessible will interest both students and scholars working in philosophy, political science, law, economics, and more.

NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • “Comprehensive, enlightening, and terrifyingly timely.”—The New York Times Book Review (Editors' Choice) WINNER OF THE GOLDSMITH BOOK PRIZE • SHORTLISTED FOR THE LIONEL GELBER PRIZE • NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY The Washington Post • Time • Foreign Affairs • WBUR • Paste Donald Trump’s presidency has raised a question that many of us never thought we’d be asking: Is our democracy in danger? Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt have spent more than twenty years studying the breakdown of democracies in Europe and Latin America, and they believe the answer is yes. Democracy no longer ends with a bang—in a revolution or military coup—but with a whimper: the slow, steady weakening of critical institutions, such as the judiciary and the press, and the gradual erosion of long-standing political norms. The good news is that there are several exit ramps on the road to authoritarianism. The bad news is that, by electing Trump, we have already passed the first one. Drawing on decades of research and a wide range of historical and global examples, from 1930s Europe to contemporary Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela, to the American South during Jim Crow, Levitsky and Ziblatt show how democracies die—and how ours can be saved. Praise for How Democracies Die “What we desperately need is a sober, dispassionate look at the current state of affairs. Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, two of the most respected scholars in the field of democracy studies, offer just that.”—The Washington Post “Where Levitsky and Ziblatt make their mark is in weaving together political science and historical analysis of both domestic and international democratic crises; in doing so, they expand the conversation beyond Trump and before him, to other countries and to the deep structure of American democracy and politics.”—Ezra Klein, Vox “If you only read one book for the rest of the year, read How Democracies Die. . . .This is not a book for just Democrats or Republicans. It is a book for all Americans. It is nonpartisan. It is fact based. It is deeply rooted in history. . . . The best commentary on our politics, no contest.”—Michael Morrell, former Acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (via Twitter) “A smart and deeply informed book about the ways in which democracy is being undermined in dozens of countries around the world, and in ways that are perfectly legal.”—Fareed Zakaria, CNN