Energy The Modern State And The American World System

Examines political authority in the modern era as a function of specific energy politics. In this provocative and original study, George A. Gonzalez argues that the relationship between energy and the state, as well as global politics, has become more and more deeply intertwined, reaching something of a crescendo with the global hegemony of Pax Americana in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. He presents a clear and concise case for viewing the modern state as the collaborative and affirmative union of capitalism and political authority in a setting where energy resources, be it wind, coal, or oil, provide the basis for the relatively inexpensive projection of political power. More broadly, energy serves as the foundation of the modern economy and, because of this, a prime function of the modern state is ensuring access to cheap, reliable sources to power and grow the economy. Historically, energy is more of a zero-sum resource than capital, markets, labor, or technology, and thus is a greater source of geopolitical tension and violence. Energy politics, and by extension international politics is, moreover, shaped by domestic corporate elites, especially those within the United States. George A. Gonzalez is Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami and the author of many books, including Energy and Empire: The Politics of Nuclear and Solar Power in the United States and Energy and the Politics of the North Atlantic, both also published by SUNY Press.

Energy and the modern state -- The political economy of energy -- Urban sprawl in the U.S. and the creation of the Hitler regime -- Urban sprawl, the Great Depression, and the start of World War II -- U.S. economic elites, nuclear power, and solar energy -- Global oil politics -- Plutonium and U.S. foreign policy -- Conclusion: energy and the global order

Laski [1893-1950] intended this work to be a sequel to Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty (1917). He argues that sovereignty is best understood as a type of authority, and he supports his case with examples drawn principally from modern French history. After tracing the origins of his subject, Laski considers the significance of Bonald, Lamennais, Royer-Collard and the Syndicalist movement.

What set the United States on the path to developing commercial nuclear energy in the 1950s, and what led to the seeming demise of that industry in the late 1970s? Why, in spite of the depletion of fossil fuels and the obvious dangers of global warming, has the United States moved so slowly toward adopting alternatives? In Energy and Empire, George A. Gonzalez presents a clear and concise argument demonstrating that economic elites tied their advocacy of the nuclear energy option to post-1945 American foreign policy goals. At the same time, these elites opposed government support for other forms of energy, such as solar, that cannot be dominated by one nation. While researchers have blamed safety concerns and other factors as helping to arrest the expansion of domestic nuclear power plant construction, Gonzalez points to an entirely different set of motivations stemming from the loss of America’s domination/control of the enrichment of nuclear fuel. Once foreign countries could enrich their own fuel, civilian nuclear power ceased to be a lever the United States could use to economically/politically dominate other nations. Instead, it became a major concern relating to nuclear weapons proliferation.

The Political Economy of World Energy is an authoritative and wide-ranging study of the role of energy in the twentieth-century world economy. Expanding on his previous work on U.S. energy policy, John Clark reviews and analyzes political, institutional, social, and economic factors affecting world energy supplies and use from 1900 to 1980. Although oil now commands the major share of the world trade in energy, Clark also examines trade in coal, natural gas, and atomic energy. He explores not only policies and events in key energy-producing nations but also efforts of less-developed countries and non-energy-producing nations to become producers or to otherwise profit from or control the processing of raw fuels. Clark describes the constantly changing relationships between such leading industrial nations as the United States, Japan, and members of the European Community and such important energy producers as the U.S.S.R., Mexico, Venezuela, and the Persian Gulf states. After World War I, international trade in coal declined and that in oil and natural gas increased. Powerful multinational firms came to dominate the energy industry. As the United States, Japan, and Western Europe became increasingly dependent upon oil imports, producer nations attempted to manipulate resources for political gain. The oil price hikes of the 1970s plagued national economies, forcing some modification of the mix of energy resources and focusing somewhat greater attention on conservation and renewable energy sources. Modern energy systems were fundamental to urbanization, industrialization, and attendant sociopolitical changes throughout this century. Although the industrialized societies have not been entirely successful in controlling nuclear power and other new energy technologies, they have actively promoted their imperfect energy systems to poorer nations who lack technological expertise. Little attention has been devoted by either the capitalist economies or the command economies of the old Soviet bloc to the environmental effects of burning fossil fuels. For these and other reasons, Clark gives the leading capitalist and command economies low marks in energy management.

Since the onset of the Second Industrial Revolution in the second half of the nineteenth century, energy has become a key axis of politics and international relations, particularly for the United States and Western Europe. In Energy and the Politics of the North Atlantic, George A. Gonzalez documents how the United States—thanks to its copious reserves of oil, coal, and natural gas—was able to assume a dominant position in the world system by the 1920s. This energy/economic imbalance was an important causal factor underlying the eruption of World War II. After 1945, and in the context of the Cold War with communism, the United States used its access to both fossil fuels and nuclear power as a means to defeat the Soviet Union and its allies. Driving American foreign policy, Gonzalez argues, is a domestic system of urban sprawl based on the automobile and the energy reserves necessary to maintain it. The massive consumer demand created by urban sprawl underpins US foreign policy in the Middle East, while concerns over access to energy drive the European Union project.

The third volume of The Cambridge History of America and the World covers the volatile period between 1900 and 1945 when the United States emerged as a world power and American engagements abroad flourished in new and consequential ways. Showcasing the most innovative approaches to both traditional topics and emerging themes, leading scholars chart the complex ways in which Americans projected their growing influence across the globe; how others interpreted and constrained those efforts; how Americans disagreed with each other, often fiercely, about foreign relations; and how race, religion, gender, and other factors shaped their worldviews. During the early twentieth century, accelerating forces of global interdependence presented Americans, like others, with a set of urgent challenges from managing borders, humanitarian crises, economic depression, and modern warfare to confronting the radical, new political movements of communism, fascism, and anticolonial nationalism. This volume will set the standard for new understandings of this pivotal moment in the history of America and the world.

Who has been at the political forefront of clean air policy development in the United States? In The Politics of Air Pollution, George A. Gonzalez argues that the answer is neither the federal government, nor environmental groups, but rather locally oriented economic elites in conjunction with state and local governments. These local growth coalitions, composed of mostly large landholders, land developers, and the owners of regional media and utility firms, support clean air policies insofar as they contribute to the creation of a positive investment climate and, in turn, bring about greater profits through increased land values and an expanded local consumer base.