Foreign Electoral Interference Normative Implications In Light Of International Law Human Rights And Democratic Theory

Foreign interference in elections may have attracted increased public attention since 2016, but it is a practice virtually as old as modern electoral democracy itself. This book offers the most comprehensive account of its normative implications yet. It discusses relevant standards of international law, human rights, and democratic theory, thereby casting a net wide enough to address the fundamental value of human dignity as well as the conditions of real political autonomy. Ultimately, the book identifies potential deficits of legality, accountability, and legitimacy ensuing from certain types of foreign electoral interference, and it provides ideas on what can and should be done in response.

Foreign interference in elections may have attracted increased public attention since 2016, but it is a practice virtually as old as modern electoral democracy itself. This book offers the most comprehensive account of its normative implications yet. It discusses relevant standards of international law, human rights, and democratic theory, thereby casting a net wide enough to address the fundamental value of human dignity as well as the conditions of real political autonomy. Ultimately, the book identifies potential deficits of legality, accountability, and legitimacy ensuing from certain types of foreign electoral interference, and it provides ideas on what can and should be done in response.

Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election was illegal because it violated the American people's right of self-determination.

International arbitration has enjoyed remarkable success. However, in recent years repeated concerns relating to the efficiency of the proceedings have emerged. These concerns have led to the introduction of provisions for expedited arbitral procedures. Through analysing various arbitration rules, this book will examine the require-ments under which expedited procedures are admissible, what the central char-acteristics of such procedures are, and how such procedures can be classified and described in comparison to a conventional arbitral procedure. A significant part will examine the tension between procedural efficiency on the one hand and on quality of the procedure and award on the other. In an excursus, early determination procedures will be examined to complete the tool box to increase procedural efficiency.

At the end of the Cold War, international law scholars engaged in furious debate over whether principles of democratic legitimacy had entered international law. Many argued that a 'democratic entitlement' was emerging. Others were skeptical that international practice in democracy promotion was either consistent or sufficiently widespread and many found the idea of democratic entitlement dangerous. Those debates, while ongoing, have not been comprehensively revisited in almost twenty years. Together with an original introduction, this volume collects the leading scholarship of the past two decades on these and other questions. It focuses particular attention on the normative consequences of the recent 'democratic recession' in many regions of the world.

Until recently, the fundamental link between two basic concepts in international law, namely the right to self-help and the obligation to settle disputes by peaceful means, has been neglected in doctrine and practice. The main issue is that international law traditionally recognizes the right of states to safeguard their own rights by resorting to countermeasures as well as the obligation to settle their disputes by accepted and recognized diplomatic and judicial procedures. Both concepts are based on their own merits, which are assumed to be valid in contemporary international law. It is the primary purpose of this study to determine which rules and principles govern the relationship between the two concepts. The book's major findings arise from an analysis of scholarly work, supported by examples from five different case studies. Drawing insights from legal as well as political science, it will be a valuable resource for students, academics and policy makers in international law, international relations and related areas.

Human Rights And Comparative Foreign Policy Is The First Book In English To Examine The Place Of Human Rights In The Foreign Policies Of A Wide Range Of States During Contemporary Times. The Book Is Also Unique In Utilizing A Common Framework Of Analysis For All 10 Of The Country Or Regional Studies Covered. This Framework Treats Foreign Policy As The Result Of A Two -Level Game In Which Both Domestic And Foreign Factors Have To Be Considered. Leading Experts From Around The World Analyze Both Liberal Democratic And Other Foreign Policies On Human Rights. A General Introduction And A Systematic Conclusion Add To The Coherence Of The Project. The Authors Note The Increasing Attention Given To Human Rights Issues In Contemporary Foreign Policy. At The Same Time, They Argue That Most States, Including Liberal Democratic States That Identify With Human Rights, Are Reluctant Most Of The Time To Elevate Human Rights Concerns To A Level Equal To That Of Traditional Security And Economic Concerns. When States Do Seek To Integrate Human Rights With These And Other Concerns, The Result Is Usually Great Inconsistency In Patterns Of Foreign Policy. The Book Further Argues That Different States Bring Different Emphases To Their Human Rights Diplomacy, Because Of Such Factors As National Political Culture And Perceived National Interests. In The Last Analysis States Can Be Compared Along Two Dimensions Pertaining To Human Rights: Extent To Which They Are Oriented Toward An International Rather Than National Conception Of Rights; And Extent To Which They Are Oriented Toward International Rather Than National Action To Protect Human Rights.

International law is much debated and discussed, but poorly understood. Does international law matter, or do states regularly violate it with impunity? If international law is of no importance, then why do states devote so much energy to negotiating treaties and providing legal defenses for their actions? In turn, if international law does matter, why does it reflect the interests of powerful states, why does it change so often, and why are violations of international law usually not punished? In this book, Jack Goldsmith and Eric Posner argue that international law matters but that it is less powerful and less significant than public officials, legal experts, and the media believe. International law, they contend, is simply a product of states pursuing their interests on the international stage. It does not pull states towards compliance contrary to their interests, and the possibilities for what it can achieve are limited. It follows that many global problems are simply unsolvable. The book has important implications for debates about the role of international law in the foreign policy of the United States and other nations. The authors see international law as an instrument for advancing national policy, but one that is precarious and delicate, constantly changing in unpredictable ways based on non-legal changes in international politics. They believe that efforts to replace international politics with international law rest on unjustified optimism about international law's past accomplishments and present capacities.