Gender Violence And Politics In The Democratic Republic Of Congo

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been called the ’worst place in the world’ for women, with reports of widespread and horrific incidents of rape and sexual violence and almost complete impunity for the perpetrators of such violence. However, despite the high profile media reporting on sexual violence in the DRC, and the widely publicized responses of the international community, there is still very little real analysis of the real situation of women in the country. This book provides such detailed analysis of gender relations in the DRC, and goes beyond the usual explanations of sexual violence as a product of conflict, to examine the complex and socially constructed gender norms and roles which underlie incidences of violence. The book benefits from a comprehensive account of men’s and women’s roles in conflict, violence, peace building and reconstruction, and evaluates the impacts of national and international political responses. In doing so, this book provides valuable new evidence and analysis of the complex and multilayered conflicts in the DRC.

Offers evidence that opportunity structures created by state weakness can allow NGOs to exert unparalleled influence over local human rights law and practice.

This book provides a robust gendered analysis and establishes a feminist approach to international actors’ responses to sexual violence crimes in conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the impact of these global political practices on local gendered power relations. Sexual violence crimes in eastern DRC have received significant global attention and triggered calls by the international community to end this violence. This book critically assesses international assistance to the Congolese legal system to challenge sexual violence crimes, to determine to what extent it engages with the continuum of gendered violence from peacetime to conflict. It also examines whether international assistance has produced any transformations in gendered power relations in eastern DRC. The author investigates how challenging sexual violence crimes in conflict necessitates broader female empowerment and engagement with gendered power relations. This book will be of interest to scholars and postgraduate students in gender studies, development studies and international relations. It will also provide significant guidance for professionals working for development agencies and international NGOs focusing on eastern DRC.

Violence affects the economy of production and the ecology of reproduction— the production of economic goods and services and the generational reproduction of workers, the regeneration of the capacity to work and maintenance of workers on a daily basis, and the renewal of culture and society through community relations and the education of children Gender and the Political Economy of Conflict in Africa explores the persistence of violence in conflict zones in Africa using a political economy framework. This framework employs an analysis of violence on both edges of the spectrum—a macro-economic analysis of violence against workers and a micro-political analysis of the violence in women’s reproductive lives. These analyses come together to create a new explanation of why violence persists, a new political economy of violence against women, and a new theoretical understanding of the relation between production and reproduction. Three case studies are discussed: the Democratic Republic of the Congo (violence in an era of conflict), Sierra Leone (violence post-conflict), and Tanzania (which has not seen armed conflict on the mainland). This book fills a significant gap on the political economy of war and women/gender for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students as well as researchers in African Studies, Gender Studies, and Peace and Conflict Studies.

Violence against women is a major problem in all countries, affecting women in every socio-economic group and at every life stage. Nowhere in the world do women share equal social and economic rights with men or the same access as men to productive resources. Economic globalization and development are creating new challenges for women's rights as well as some new opportunities for advancing women's economic independence and gender equality. Yet, when women have access to productive resources and they enjoy social and economic rights they are less vulnerable to violence across all societies. The Political Economy of Violence against Women develops a feminist political economy approach to identify the linkages between different forms of violence against women and macro structural processes in strategic local and global sites - from the household to the transnational level. In doing so, it seeks to account for the globally increasing scale and brutality of violence against women. These sites include economic restructuring and men's reaction to the loss of secure employment, the abusive exploitation associated with the transnational migration of women workers, the growth of a sex trade around the creation of free trade zones, the spike in violence against women in financial liberalization and crises, the scourge of sexual violence in armed conflict and post-crisis peacebuilding or reconstruction efforts and the deleterious gendered impacts of natural disasters. Examples are drawn from South Africa, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, China, Ciudad Juarez in Mexico, the Pacific Islands, Argentina, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Haiti, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, New Zealand, Ireland, the United Kingdom, the United States and Iceland.

Mwamini traveled around the world due to her father's diplomatic status, but her heart was still in Africa. No place was like the Democratic Republic of Congo, her home. Being very young, she had no interest in politics. All she knew was that she had to leave and go into exile in May 1997 because of a coup d' tat. After seven years, Mwamini went back to the DRC and realized that even if the war was officially over, many Congolese were still suffering. She decided to further her education at George Mason University with a master's in Conflict Analysis and Resolution so she could help rebuild her country. As a conflict analysis practitioner, her concern was to understand the Congolese people, their past, present, and the hope they could have in the future. She was determined to solve the conflict because many of those suffering the consequences of the war were her friends and family. Mwamini researched for years and went to remote locations to meet rape victims and child soldiers. Her book starts in 1994 during the genocide in Rwanda, because many victims of the successive wars in the DRC are long-term victims of the genocide. This book relates her journey through the pain and hope of the Congolese women and children. About the Author: Mwamini Thambwe Mwamba Diggs works for the Angie Brooks International Center (ABIC) and Femmes Africa Solidarite (FAS), two nonprofit organizations working on Resolution 1325 of the United Nations. This resolution expresses concern that civilians, particularly women and children, account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed conflict. Publisher's Website: http: //sbpra.com/MwaminiThambweMwambaDiggs

This volume examines the causes and purposes of 'post-conflict' violence. The end of a war is generally expected to be followed by an end to collective violence, as the term ‘post-conflict’ that came into general usage in the 1990s signifies. In reality, however, various forms of deadly violence continue, and sometimes even increase after the big guns have been silenced and a peace agreement signed. Explanations for this and other kinds of violence fall roughly into two broad categories – those that stress the legacies of the war and those that focus on the conditions of the peace. There are significant gaps in the literature, most importantly arising from the common premise that there is one, predominant type of post-war situation. This ‘post-war state’ is often endowed with certain generic features that predispose it towards violence, such as a weak state, criminal elements generated by the war-time economy, demobilized but not demilitarized or reintegrated ex-combatants, impunity and rapid liberalization. The premise of this volume differs. It argues that features which constrain or encourage violence stack up in ways to create distinct and different types of post-war environments. Critical factors that shape the post-war environment in this respect lie in the war-to-peace transition itself, above all the outcome of the war in terms of military and political power and its relationship to social hierarchies of power, normative understandings of the post-war order, and the international context. This book will of much interest to students of war and conflict studies, peacebuilding and IR/Security Studies in general.

Gender-based violence is a global phenomenon which affects millions worldwide. However, despite the increasing attention which is now paid to this violence by policy makers data seem to indicate that these efforts are not having as great an impact as may have been hoped. In all countries of the world, reports of gender-related violence remain elevated, whilst many incidents of such violence probably remain unreported due to fear of stigma or reprisals for those who are victims. One of the problems in tackling gender-based violence has been that for too long men have been ignored as part of the solution. Men are often labelled as perpetrators of violence, but they are perhaps too infrequently considered also as potential victims, or as partners and actors in the fight against violence. Constructions of masculinities are not adequately studied to analyse how dominant forms of masculinities may contribute to cycles of violence, and may also oppress and traumatise men themselves. This volume aims to address critically the issues of men, masculinity and gender-based violence, asking how men can be fully engaged in the prevention of gender-based violence, and how this engagement can strengthen prevention initiatives.