Governance And Politics In Post Military Nigeria

This edited collection is the product of a National Research Working Group (NRWG) established by Said Adejumobi and supported by the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA). It analyzes the progress made in Nigeria since the return to democratic rule in 1999 and the prospects of democratic consolidation in the country.

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the seventy-one percent (71%) of Nigeria’s population still living below poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a “political prophet” to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness the worst civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to “check out” of the country to other parts of the world in future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use.

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the 71 percent of Nigerias population still living below the poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness worse civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in the future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use. There is this perception that Nigerians dont write and read. This perception is deep-seated, even among intellectuals who see our authors as shallow researchers. But Dr. Dan Mou has debunked that myth and shown that Nigerians can write well-researched and detailed books. It is quite prophetic in its assessment of the Nigerian State (Agbo Agbo, deputy editor, The Nation). Dr. Dan Mou has proven himself a world-class scholar and an intellectual colossus. His reputation as an internationally renowned public policy expert has continued to soar. I congratulate him for these remarkable achievements (Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, first justice of Abuja High Court and former dean, faculty of law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria). Dr. Mou is certainly one of the best scholars we have on the African continent. As an educationist myself, before I became a traditional ruler, I agree totally with his analysis and conclusions. I share the optimism Dr. Mou has expressed . . . that once the recommendations therein are adopted and meticulously implemented, with proper monitoring and evaluation of such resultant policies and programmes, Nigeria and indeed Africa would be able to solve most of these challenges (HRH Alh. Dr. Sheban Audu, Nizazo III, Etsu Kwali, Etsu Kwalis Palace, Abuja, Nigeria).

With an increasing international interest in post civil war demobilisation and reintegration, especially in Africa, Ojeleye presents a well timed body of knowledge on the Nigerian civil war. Moreover, this book provides an in-depth study of the modalities and processes of the demobilisation and reintegration exercises carried out at the end of the Nigerian civil war and assesses their implications for national politics in the West African nation. The author identifies the political, socio-economic and cultural background to the Nigerian civil war and discusses the central theme of demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) in Nigeria against the backdrop of the policy of the country's post war reconstruction, reconciliation and rehabilitation exercise (the 3Rs). Though the central theme is Nigeria, it compares the demobilisation and reintegration exercise in Nigeria with other attempts in Sub Sahara Africa by highlighting the important deviations and drawing some conclusions on the Nigerian experience. It also touches on issues relating to international involvement and intervention in civil wars and the roles of the African Union, the Commonwealth of Nations and the United Nations.

This book analyzes how neo-liberal state economic policies and political reforms have impacted on state-society relations, economic and class configurations, social composition of power, social welfare and cohesion in post-military Nigeria; and points to key policy recommendations that may be crucial in redirecting the future of the country.

With an increasing international interest in post civil war demobilisation and reintegration, especially in Africa, Ojeleye presents a well timed body of knowledge on the Nigerian civil war. Moreover, this book provides an in-depth study of the modalities and processes of the demobilisation and reintegration exercises carried out at the end of the Nigerian civil war and assesses their implications for national politics in the West African nation. The author identifies the political, socio-economic and cultural background to the Nigerian civil war and discusses the central theme of demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) in Nigeria against the backdrop of the policy of the country's post war reconstruction, reconciliation and rehabilitation exercise (the 3Rs). Though the central theme is Nigeria, it compares the demobilisation and reintegration exercise in Nigeria with other attempts in Sub Sahara Africa by highlighting the important deviations and drawing some conclusions on the Nigerian experience. It also touches on issues relating to international involvement and intervention in civil wars and the roles of the African Union, the Commonwealth of Nations and the United Nations.

This book examines how modern Nigerian political institutions have grappled with the resurgence of traditional institutions of political leadership in the post-colonial era. The contributors examine the role and nature of traditional governance institutions in West Africa from pre-colonial times to the post-colonial era. Part I considers a range of traditional institutions including monarchies, Islamic institutions and the role of culture and arts such as masking and music in traditional leadership. Part II focuses on modern governance institutions, elites, political action, arts, and democracy in post-colonial Nigeria. Part III examines democratic institutions and processes in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, covering issues such as electoral reforms, women’s political participation, and democratic citizenship. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of African politics, governance, and democratization.