Ibrahim Of Egypt Rle Egypt

The name and fame of Muhammad Ali, the Founder of Modern Egypt, are well known. His vivid personality has appealed to many writers, who have concentrated the limelight on him. Some of them have allowed Muhammad Ali’s son, Ibrahim, to appear on the stage, but they have assigned him a more or less obscure role. They refer to him as the sword wielded by his astute father, and have usually treated him as if he knew nothing of statesmanship, and were merely a bluff soldier whose military talents happened to be superior to those of the generals opposed to him. This book seeks to redress this error and bring the truth into its proper perspective. It does not belittle the glory of Muhammad Ali, but it stresses the part played by Ibrahim in the affairs of Egypt. First published 1935.

Egypt was the first of the Arab-speaking Muslim countries to come into close contact with modern European states. The experience was not a particularly happy one. It resulted in political and economic subjugation and in the breakdown of her traditional culture and society: but it led also to her emancipation from the Ottoman Empire and to the eventual development of a modern and autonomous Egyptian identity. The central aim of this book is to trace the history of Egypt during this period of change, from Napoleon’s invasion at the end of the eighteenth century to the Free Officer’s Revolution in the middle of the twentieth. The author describes the effects of European – particularly British and French – involvement on the course of Egyptian history, shown variously for example in her changing trade pattern, in her forced participation in two world wars and in the planning and construction of the Suez Canal. One of these effects was to stimulate the development of Egyptian nationalism and the emergence of her own leaders. A major factor in the course of Egyptian history, and one of which the author is constantly aware, was the European ignorance of Islamic and Arabic thought and attitudes, which was largely responsible for the misunderstandings and conflicts which characterized the period. The book provides a valuable analysis of interaction between communities with different and sometimes opposing value systems. To understand this interaction is essential to the study of the history, politics and culture of the Middle East.

Over the last ten years the Egyptian economy has undergone a major transformation which has led to greater decentralisation and international competition. This transformation, along with changing circumstances in the surrounding Arab areas and the end of hostilities with Israel, has given a boost to the Egyptian economy. Without underestimating the obstacles that still stand in the way of sustained economic growth and development, this book foresees a more optimistic outlook for Egypt than do other such studies carried out by international organisations such as the World Bank. Egypt’s Economic Potential argues that the main problem facing the Egyptian economy is that the government must resort to expensive public expenditure policies, in particular subsidising foodstuffs, in order to maintain the political consensus. This creates a savings gap which prevents the authorities from channelling savings towards financing the projects which will cerate economic growth. However, the book suggests that because the present regime is fundamentally stable and even further change at the top would be unlikely to alter the institutional framework of the country, the Egyptian economy has the potential for stable and rapid growth.

This book explores the political relationship between the Muslim majority and Coptic minority in Egypt between 1918 and 1952. Many Egyptians hoped to see the collaboration of the 1919 revolution spur the creation of both a new collective Egyptian identity and a state without religious bias. Traditional ways of governing, however, were not so easily cast aside. Some Egyptians held tenaciously to the traditional arrangements which had both guaranteed Muslim primacy and served relatively well to protect the Copts and afford them some autonomy. Differences within the Coptic community over the wisdom of trusting the genuineness and durability of Muslim support for equality were accentuated by a protracted struggle between reforming laymen and conservative clergy for control of the community. The unwillingness of all parties to compromise hampered the ability of the community both to determine and to defend its interests. The Copts met with modest success in their attempt to become full Egyptian citizens. Their influence in the Wafd, the pre-eminent political party, was very strong prior to and in the early years of the constitutional monarchy, and their formal representation was generally adequate and, in some parliaments, better than adequate. However, this very success produced a backlash which caused many Copts to believe, by the 1940s, that the experiment had failed: political activity has become fraught with risk for them. At the close of the monarchy, equality and shared power seemed motions as distant as in the disheartening years before the 1919 revolution.

This study gives a comprehensive account of the evolution of the educational system in Modern Egypt, set against the events of the last twenty five years. From the Revolution of 1952, which saw the breakdown of the party system, seen as ‘sham democracy’, to the re-adoption of the party system in 1976, the Egyptian government has searched for an ideal system that is secular, but not irreligious, and benefitting from, but not copying, the western or eastern models. Professor Hyde has analysed the problems of the educational system, administrative, institutional, theoretical and practical, and related them to Egypt’s urgent need to modernise the state, and to improve the quality of life of her hitherto deprived masses. The deficiencies of the system are discussed with emphasis on the attempts to provide solutions, mainly within the framework of reformed institutions. Informal and private education, literacy campaigns, women’s aspirations and student welfare are all considered, as are policies and plans for the immediate and long-term solutions of Egypt’s problems. The analysis also takes into account socio-economic factors in post-Revolutionary Egypt which not only constitute instruments of change in Egyptian society but also provide the restraints which prevent the rapid translation of educational ideals into reality. First published 1978.

This critical analysis investigates the causes that brought about one of the most tumultuous periods in modern Egyptian history – the clashes between the Muslims and Copts during the 1970s. A unique retrospective, it features probing interviews with Egyptian intellectuals, writers, political and religious leaders, as well as common citizens from both the Muslim and Copt communities. Within a framework of economic, political and ideological factors, Nadia Ramsis Farah is able to synthesize a compelling portrait of a troubled national conscience in the face of religious strife. First published 1986.

This desk reference provides biodata, biographical sketches, and source material for approximately 500 men and women who have played a major role in Egypt's national life.