India And The Commonwealth 1885 1929

The story of the transformation of the old British Empire into the modern Commonwealth had often been told from the point of view of Great Britain and the ‘white dominions’. No attempt had so far been made to describe the decisive role of India in the shaping of the multi-racial Commonwealth of today. Originally published in 1965, the main theme of this work by an Indian author is the growth of the idea of Commonwealth in India from 1885, the year in which the Indian National Congress was organized, to 1929, when Congress declared ‘complete independence’ to be its goal. What did the British Empire mean to early Indian nationalists? How did the ideal of self-government of India on the Dominion model grow? What was India’s continued association with the Commonwealth valued in India and in Britain? Answers to these and similar questions are attempted in this book. Despite its great importance, the role of India in the Commonwealth in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had received little attention from scholars. Dr Mehrotra’s clear, incisive, informed and balanced study was therefore the more welcome, not only for its source, but because it lent a new dimension to our understanding of India’s part in defining and enlarging the idea of Commonwealth. It is an important contribution to Commonwealth and to modern Indian history.

Scholarly study of the historical background for the 1947 decision by India and Pakistan for continued association with the British Commonwealth system.

India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, India That Is Bharat. It explores the combined influence of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on Bharat as the successor state to the Indic civilisation, and on the origins of the Indian Constitution. To this end, the book traces the thought continuum of Middle Eastern coloniality, from the rise of Islamic Revivalism in the 1740s following the decline of the Mughal Empire, which presaged the idea of Pakistan, until the end of the Khilafat Movement in 1924, which cemented the road to Pakistan. The book also describes the collaboration of convenience that was forged between the proponents of Middle Eastern coloniality and the British colonial establishment to the detriment of the Indic civilisation. One of the objectives of this book is to help the reader draw parallels between the challenges faced by the Indic civilisation in the tumultuous period from 1740 to 1924, and the present day. Its larger goal remains the same as that of the first, which is to enthuse Bharatiyas to undertake a critical decolonial study of Bharat's history, especially in the context of the Constitution, so that the religiosity towards the document is moderated by a sense of proportion, perspective and purpose.

This original and lively study is an analysis of the dynamics of British press reporting of India and the attempts made by the British Government to manipulate press coverage as part of a strategy of imperial control. The press was an important forum for debate over the future of India and was used by significant groups within the political elite to advance their agendas. Yet it also provided the wider British public with the information and images from which they formed their conception of the subcontinent. The repercussions of press reporting were accordingly considerable, being felt not only in Britain, but also within India and the wider world. For this reason British imperial administrators felt the need to integrate press management with their approach to government. Kaul focuses on a period which represented a critical transitional phase in the history of the Raj, witnessing the impact of World War I, major constitutional reform initiatives, the tragedy of the Amritsar massacre, and the launching of Gandhi's mass movement. The War was also a watershed in official media manipulation and in the aftermath of the conflict the Government's previously informal and ad hoc attempts to shape press reporting were placed on a more formal basis, being explicitly incorporated into official strategy. This book should be useful reading for students of the British empire, Indian history and the British press. It also offers important insights for students of media and communications studies and the history of political communication - and indeed anyone concerned with understanding the ever-deepening relationship between politics and the mass media today.

The complex and hard-fought movement for political freedom in India coincided with the rise of a wealthy capitalist class of Indian industrialists who had profited under British rule. By 1947, these prominent businessmen had forged a partnership with the socialist-led Indian National Congress, and supported Jawaharlal Nehru's implementation of a centrally-planned economy. In this political history of modern India, David Lockwood traces the roots of this capitalist class, concentrated in Bombay, Calcutta and the west Bengal coal mining region, and examines British economic policy in the nineteenth century. Indian capitalists, such as J.R.D Tata of Tata Steel, established powerful relationships with domestic governments throughout the period, holding indigenous industrial conferences and supporting the swadeshi movement which aimed to promote Indian-manufactured goods. The Indian Bourgeoisie is a unique and important contribution to the lively debate on the role of India's capitalists during the Raj and throughout the early years of independence.

This book explains the postcolonial Indian polity by presenting an alternative historical narrative of the British Empire in India and India's struggle for independence. It pursues this narrative along two major trajectories. On the one hand, it focuses on the role of imperial judicial institutions and practices in the making of both the British Empire and the anti-colonial movement under the Congress, with the lawyer as political leader. On the other hand, it offers a novel interpretation of Gandhi's non-violent resistance movement as being different from the Congress. It shows that the Gandhian movement, as the most powerful force largely responsible for India's independence, was anchored not in western discourses of political and legislative freedom but rather in Indic traditions of renunciative freedom, with the renouncer as leader. This volume offers a comprehensive and new reinterpretation of the Indian Constitution in the light of this historical narrative. The book contends that the British colonial idea of justice and the Gandhian ethos of resistance have been the two competing and conflicting driving forces that have determined the nature and evolution of the Indian polity after independence.

‘Britain in India, 1858–1947’ seeks to trace the last 90 years of British rule in the light of modern historical debates. The volume examines the ambiguities of British rule that followed from the post-Mutiny settlement: the tensions between an authoritarian bureaucracy and the promise of a liberal vision of the future, and between imperial interests and the growing coordination of Indian aspirations for self-rule. The volume analyses these tensions with reference to contemporary historical debates, and traces them through changing international relations and world wars to Indian independence and partition in 1947.

British Policy Towards the Indian States (1982) examines the concept of indirect rule in terms of both its application and consequences in the princely states of India during the first four decades of the twentieth century. The author first deals with the political geography and diversity of the princely states and the legacy of the Mughal emperors, and then proceeds to discuss the nature and consequences of the alliances established between the paramount power of the British Raj and the princes at the beginning of the twentieth century. The impact of the non-interference policy is assessed and a full consideration is given to the failure of that policy.