Indonesian Chinese Descent In Indonesia S Economy And Political Stability

For decades, Chinese Indonesians have been in numerous harshspotlights in their own country. Starting from supposedly simple thingslike obtaining official documents to be legal citizens of Indonesia, theironly homeland now, where they can be harassed and cornered, whichnot seldom can extend to the extremes where they are made as victimsand scapegoat particularly when issues related to racism arise.Similar to other ethnic groups, they also live in different economicclasses. Some are very wealthy, some are rich, some live in the middleclasseconomy, some dwell in their simple lives, some are poor, andsome try to survive their abject poverty.In the urban areas, they are seen to live a good life; some arevery rich or even extremely prosperous. Most of these people arebusinessmen, ranging from a colossal size to a mere small business.However, reality also shows that many Chinese Indonesians in thesuburb areas live an uncertain day-to-day life and some are evenextremely poor. Fishermen in Tangerang, North Sumatra, Riau, Bangkaor pedicab drivers, unskilled labor, angkot (a small public minibus)drivers, domestic maids, office boys, and blue collar workers in WestKalimantan (Sambas and Singkawang) and Bangka are factual examplesof the grueling lives that they have to carry on striving.In spite of all the facts, people often forget or even intentionallyignore the facts that many Chinese Indonesians have also madepositive contributions to their country in many different aspects, suchas economy, sports, culture, science, or political sectors to name afew. These facts also need to be understood and enlightened to fellowcountrymen in order to portray a more balanced, objective view, andnon-discriminatory judgment which in turn can prevent hatred, dislike,and other unfavorable prejudice against Indonesian citizens of Chinesedescent due to the past inaccurate stereotype and labeling.This book tries to present an objective portrait of ChineseIndonesians and their roles within their own beloved country and state,with the very same goal of all proud Indonesian countrymen—to createa stronger unity and integrity of Indonesia, a country that highly valuespluralism and the unity-in-diversity principle through the distinguishedPancasila philosophy

For decades, Chinese Indonesians have been in numerous harsh spotlights in their own country. Starting from supposedly simple things like obtaining official documents to be legal citizens of Indonesia, their only homeland now, where they can be harassed and cornered, which not seldom can extend to the extremes where they are made as victims and scapegoat particularly when issues related to racism arise. Similar to other ethnic groups, they also live in different economic classes. Some are very wealthy, some are rich, some live in the middleclass economy, some dwell in their simple lives, some are poor, and some try to survive their abject poverty. In the urban areas, they are seen to live a good life; some are very rich or even extremely prosperous. Most of these people are businessmen, ranging from a colossal size to a mere small business. However, reality also shows that many Chinese Indonesians in the suburb areas live an uncertain day-to-day life and some are even extremely poor. Fishermen in Tangerang, North Sumatra, Riau, Bangka or pedicab drivers, unskilled labor, angkot (a small public minibus) drivers, domestic maids, office boys, and blue collar workers in West Kalimantan (Sambas and Singkawang) and Bangka are factual examples of the grueling lives that they have to carry on striving. In spite of all the facts, people often forget or even intentionally ignore the facts that many Chinese Indonesians have also made positive contributions to their country in many different aspects, such as economy, sports, culture, science, or political sectors to name a few. These facts also need to be understood and enlightened to fellow countrymen in order to portray a more balanced, objective view, and non-discriminatory judgment which in turn can prevent hatred, dislike, and other unfavorable prejudice against Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent due to the past inaccurate stereotype and labeling. This book tries to present an objective portrait of Chinese Indonesians and their roles within their own beloved country and state, with the very same goal of all proud Indonesian countrymen—to create a stronger unity and integrity of Indonesia, a country that highly values pluralism and the unity-in-diversity principle through the distinguished Pancasila philosophy

This study analyzes pribumi (indigenous Indonesian) perception of the Chinese minority and asks how these perceptions, modified by economic and political constraints, manifest themselves in government policies towards this trading minority and towards China. It covers the period from 1949, when Indonesia became a sovereign state, to 1975, when the New Order Government abolished Special National Schools for the Chinese. This new edition has been updated by the addition of a new postscript by the author.

The disintegration of Indonesia's New Order regime in 1998 and the fall of Soeharto put an end to the crude forms of centralised authoritarianism and economic protectionism that allowed large Chinese conglomerates to dom- inate Indonesia's private sector. Contrary to all expectations, most of the major capitalist groups, though damaged considerably by the Asian Crisis, managed to cope with the ensuing monumental political and economic changes, and now thrive again albeit within a new democratic environment. In this book Christian Chua assesses the state of capital before, during, and after the financial and political crisis of 1997/1998 and analyses the changing relationships between business and the state in Indonesia. Using a distinct perspective that combines cultural and structural approaches on Chinese big business with exclusive material derived from interviews with some of Indonesia’s major business leaders, Chua identifies the strategies employed by tycoons to adapt their corporations to the post-authoritarian regime and provides a unique insight into how state-business relationships in Indonesia have evolved since the crisis. Chinese Big Business in Indonesia is the first major analysis of capital in Indonesia since the fall of Soeharto, and will be of interest to graduate students and scholars of political economy, political sociology, economics and business administration as well as to practitioners having to do with Southeast Asian business and politics.

An innovator in contemporary thought on economic and political development looks here at decline rather than growth. Albert O. Hirschman makes a basic distinction between alternative ways of reacting to deterioration in business firms and, in general, to dissatisfaction with organizations: one, “exit,” is for the member to quit the organization or for the customer to switch to the competing product, and the other, “voice,” is for members or customers to agitate and exert influence for change “from within.” The efficiency of the competitive mechanism, with its total reliance on exit, is questioned for certain important situations. As exit often undercuts voice while being unable to counteract decline, loyalty is seen in the function of retarding exit and of permitting voice to play its proper role. The interplay of the three concepts turns out to illuminate a wide range of economic, social, and political phenomena. As the author states in the preface, “having found my own unifying way of looking at issues as diverse as competition and the two-party system, divorce and the American character, black power and the failure of ‘unhappy’ top officials to resign over Vietnam, I decided to let myself go a little.”

In most Southeast Asian countries, the members of the Chinese Diaspora have secured important position in the fields of administration, education and religion. Thanks to their capacity to work and to adapt as well as their frugality, their cultural influence continues to grow. Clans and factions form the essential structure of the ancient Chinese society. If Imperial China never developed a Civil Law, it's probably because the ancient Chinese society never really saw the need for it. This structure of relations could also explain why the Chinese civilisation didn't develop a real territorial reference. The Chinese Diaspora today covers different political and economical realities which could be conflicting. What primarily characterises the Diaspora is apparently its great capacity to organise itself in any economical, political, social or cultural environment. The capacity if its economic and administrative elites had been the determining factor of their development. However, the existence of informal and trans-national networks can also help the development of criminal activities. The presence of mafia groups and gangs of Chinese origin and their collusion with the world of finance and politics are historical facts in the region and could represent today a real threat for its stability. These criminal networks tend to forge business link with their Japanese, Russian, Korea, Italian or South American counterparts and sometimes could interfere with the process of political decision making.

The ethnic Chinese minority in Indonesia is a heterogeneous group. Many have been acculturated and have generated an Indonesian Chinese culture that is unique and yet deeply rooted in Indonesian society. In education, literature and the press, the ethnic Chinese have been largely assimilated into local society. In religion, assimilation has taken on a different form: Chinese minority religions are highly Indonesianized while retaining some Chinese characteristics. Ironically, the success of the ethnic Chinese in the economic field can be attributed not to their acculturation, but to their migrant culture and ethos, as well as the Chinese networks in Southeast Asia and beyond. The ten papers in this book some previously published, all substantially revised and updated to include recent developments adopt a thematic and historical approach in examining the developing of ethnic Chinese culture and society in Indonesia.