Intermediation And Representation In Latin America

This book shows how the introduction of intermediation is relevant in studying political and public policy processes, as they are increasingly accompanied by grey spaces in public and non-public arenas that cannot be categorized as purely representative or purely participative. Instead, ‘hybrid’ mechanisms are developing in the policy-making process, which bring in new actors who either are unelected while being required to represent or advocate for the common good of others or are directly elected but challenged by identity/rights-based issues of the people they are required to act in the best interest of. By proposing a conceptual frame on intermediation and addressing five different Latin American countries and a wide range of case studies —from human rights, labour relations, neighbourhood management, municipal bureaucracies, social accountability, to complex national systems of citizen participation—this volume shows the versatility and validity of a tridimensional frame, the “cube of political intermediation” (CPI) as a tool for analysing public policy and understanding contemporary democratic innovation in Latin America.

A historic shift has occurred in the organizational structures through which the lower classes in Latin America express voice and find political representation. With the political and economic reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, networks of community-based associations and nongovernmental organizations replaced party-affiliated labor unions as the predominant organizations to which the lower classes turned. This volume examines the new “interest regime” in Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Venezuela through two extensive surveys—one of individuals and one of associations—undertaken in those nations’ capital cities. Contrary to common perceptions, the new interest regime is neither a vibrant, autonomous civil society nor a set of weak, atomized organizations. Participation in associations is generally high, compared to “direct action” as a strategy for pursuing collective interests, and associations more frequently coordinate and engage the state than has sometimes been assumed. However, various forms of interaction with the state pose a classic trade-off between representation and state control, and the new interest regime is marked by representational distortion, in that the lower classes are less likely to use the new structures than the middle classes. Within these general patterns, distinct national models are emerging. This volume represents the most ambitious and systematic effort to date to examine individual participation and associational life in Latin America and to carry out a cross-national analysis of new forms of political representation.

This volume analyzes how enduring democracy amid longstanding inequality engendered inclusionary reform in contemporary Latin America.

Has the left turn come to a definite end? What have been the legacies of the left turn and how can they be measured? Who are the key actors shaping the new ‘anti-populist’ discourse and in what sense are they different from the social movements supporting progressive governments? How do these forms of identification relate to the dominant forms of subjectivisation in a globalized neoliberal world? Does the development of a new socio-political dynamic in the region strengthen or undermine the struggles for equality, democracy and more cohesive societies? This collection studies the gestation of the crisis of the left turn consensus dominant in Argentina and Brazil for the past 15 years and the emerging socio-political dynamics developing in this particular context of change. The volume identifies the traditional and emerging actors which have been influential in the socio-political arena for the past six to ten years. It also traces major episodes of protests between 2011-2015 in Brazil and Argentina.

This book provides a critical legal perspective on the legitimacy of international courts and tribunals. The volume offers a critique of ideology of two legal approaches to the legitimacy of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) that portray it as a supranational tribunal whose last say on human rights protection has a transformative effect on the democracies of Latin America. The book shows how the discussion between these Latin American legal strands mirrors global trends in the study of the legitimacy of international courts related to the use of constitutional analogies and concepts such as the notion of judicial dialogue and the idea of democratic transformation. It also provides an in-depth analysis of how, through the use of those categories, legal experts studying the legitimacy of the IACtHR enact self-validation processes by making themselves the principal agents of transformation. These self-validation processes work as ideological apparatuses that reproduce and entrench the mindset that the legal discipline is a driving force of change in itself. Further, the book shows how profiling the Court as an agent of transformation diverts attention from the ways in which it has pursued a particular view of human rights and democracy in the region that creates and reproduces relations of inequality and domination. Rather than discarding the IACtHR, this book aims to de-centre the focus away from formal legal institutions, engaging with the idea that ordinary people can mobilise and define the content of law to transform their lives and territories. The book will be a valuable resource for scholars working in the areas of human rights law, law, public international law, legal theory, constitutional law, political science and legal philosophy.

Explains how and why some national mandates for participatory policymaking develop into powerful institutions for citizen engagement.

During the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) – Workers Party, Governments in Brazil, non-electoral and extra-parliamentary political participation grew significantly. Both Lula and Rousseff used an increasing number of mechanisms of participation, known in Portuguese as órgãos colegiados – "collegiate bodies", for democratizing political decisions. Stefanie Tomé Schmitt's book addresses the impacts of participatory policy-making on business-state relations under the New Developmentalism. Her research uncovers business participation in 125 collegiate bodies based on data collected with the peak sectoral corporatist business associations of agriculture, commerce, industry and financial services. It discloses a formalized pattern of business politics linked to the use of Corporatist Institutions, exposing a gap between Political Sociology and Political Economy approaches to interest representation in Brazil. In joining the rule configuration assessment with a process tracing of participatory policy-making in employment, innovation, and biodiversity, her investigation also reveals that engendering a more formalized pattern of business politics relied on more than choices of institutional design promoting business inclusiveness: it was contingent on business and government commitment building within mechanisms of participation and in related policy networks.

The Will of the People: Populism and Citizen Participation in Latin America argues that while populist leaders typically claim to speak 'in the name of the people', they rarely allow the people to express their opinion independently through institutions of citizen participation. The argument is rooted in theoretical discussions and empirical analyses of trends and specific cases. The volume deals with the following questions: Why is populism so prolific in the Latin American region? How and where do populist leaders arrive to power? Is there a connection between populism and fascism as claimed by negative views of Argentinian Peronism? Are populist leaders more keen on introducing mechanisms of direct citizen participation? Are the erosions of the political party system an explanation of the emergence of populism, as seems to be the case with Fujimorism in Peru? To what extent have the governments of Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa given voice to the people through the so-called participatory democracy?