Is Separate Unequal

This is a revealing study of the crucial period in the educational development of the South as it involved the separate but equal" doctrine. It is based on extensive research in newspapers, public documents, official reports, and manuscripts, and it provi

In this critique of the liberal perspective on desegregation, Samuels leads readers from the Brown decision to Green v. School Board of New Kent County and on to United States v. Fordice to show how the future of public black universities has been left uncertain at best. For Samuels, economic equality, not segregation, remains the primary obstacle to fully realized citizenship for African Americans. He argues that African Americans' pursuit of equality in higher education can be achieved without defunding programs at these schools and that their funding should be increased in recognition of their role in preserving African American culture.

This book does not start from the premise that separate is inherently unequal. Writing from an 'anti-subordination perspective', Professor Colker provides a framework for the courts and society to consider what programs or policies are most likely to lead to substantive equality for individuals with disabilities. In some contexts, she argues for more tolerance of disability-specific programs and, in other contexts, she argues for more disability-integrated programs. Her highly practical investigation includes the topics of K-12 education, higher education, employment, voting, and provision of health care. At the end of the book, she applies this perspective to the racial arena, arguing that school districts should be given latitude to implement more use of racial criteria to attain integrated schools because such environments are most likely to help attain substantive equality from an anti-subordination perspective. The book measures the attainment of equality not on the basis of worn-out mantras but instead on the basis of substantive gains.

Racially separate schools cannot be equal even if funding levels are the same as wealthy White school districts, according to Barry A. Gold in his provocative new book. By documenting the effects that the New Jersey Supreme Court Abbott V decision had on schools and classrooms, Gold argues that Abbott V, along with NCLB, actually widened the educational gap between middle-class White students and minority students by creating a new but less effective type of urban education. This in-depth examination describes and analyzes the actual behavior of administrators and teachers to understand how and why these educational reforms failed. The book features include: reports on the two most important reforms of urban education in U.S. history - the New Jersey Supreme Court Abbott V ruling and NCLB; rich case studies of 7 years of urban elementary reform; why reform efforts failed to achieve their intended outcomes is explained; and ways to improve future urban education reforms are identified.

Separate but Unequal provides an in-depth critique of the ideology of parallelism—the prevailing view that Indigenous cultures and the wider Canadian society should exist separately from one another in a “nation-to-nation” relationship. Using the Final Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples as an example, this historical and material analysis shows how the single-minded pursuit of parallelism will not result in a more balanced relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. On the contrary, it merely restores archaic economic, political, and ideological forms that will continue to isolate the Indigenous population. This book provides an alternative framework for examining Indigenous dependency. This new perspective—the political economy of neotribal rentierism—shows that Indigenous Peoples’ circumstances have been inextricably linked to the development of capitalism in Canada. While Indigenous Peoples were integral participants in the fur trade, the transition from mercantilism to industrial capitalism led to their marginalization. This book is published in English. - Separate but Unequal fournit une analyse approfondie de l’idéologie du parallélisme – la vision dominante selon laquelle les cultures autochtones et la société canadienne en général devraient vivre séparément les unes des autres dans une relation de nation à nation. En s’appuyant sur le rapport final de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones, cette analyse historique et matérielle montre que les propositions parallélistes visant à accroître l’autonomie des Autochtones dans tous les aspects des politiques publiques ne se solderont pas en une relation plus équilibrée entre peuples autochtones et non autochtones, étant donné qu’elles ne font que rétablir des formes économiques, politiques et idéologiques archaïques qui continueront d’isoler la population autochtone. Elle propose de recadrer la question de la dépendance autochtone en ayant recours à la notion de rentiérisme néotribal. Ce cadre d’économie politique met en lumière le fait que les conditions des peuples autochtones ont été inextricablement liées au développement du capitalisme au Canada. Ce livre est publié en anglais.

On June 7, 1892, Homer A. Plessy, a New Orleans shoemaker, white in appearance but Negro according to the "one drop" rule that discriminated against anyone with even a small fraction of African blood by that injurious label, boarded a "Whites Only" railroad coach. He then volunteered his lineage to the conductor, who ordered that he move to a car set aside by state law for Negroes—and so began the legal crusade that culminated in one of the most tragic and dishonorable decisions in Supreme Court history. Here, acclaimed historian Professor Harvey Fireside presents a powerful account of Plessy v. Ferguson, the famously unlawful ruling that institutionalized racism and helped inspire the civil rights movement. Separate and Unequal combines judicial records and historic photographs with a richly evocative portrait of Jim Crow–era Louisiana and a tale of the personal heroism of Homer Plessy; lawyer Albion Tourgée, who argued his case pro bono; and Justice John Marshall Harlan, the decision's sole dissenter, who argued fervently against the Court majority opinion that "separate but equal" accommodations were not unjust and demeaning. With sophistication and passion, Fireside shares a history less renowned but every bit as explosively influential as that of Rosa Parks.

This vivid behind-the-scenes account of Israeli rule in Jerusalem details for the first time the Jewish state's attempt to lay claim to all of Jerusalem, even when that meant implementing harsh policies toward the city's Arab population. The authors, Jerusalemites from the spheres of politics, journalism, and the military, have themselves been players in the drama that has unfolded in east Jerusalem in recent years and appears now to be at a climax. They have also had access to a wide range of official documents that reveal the making and implementation of Israeli policy toward Jerusalem. Their book discloses the details of Israel's discriminatory policies toward Jerusalem Arabs and shows how Israeli leaders mishandled everything from security and housing to schools and sanitation services, to the detriment of not only the Palestinian residents but also Israel's own agenda. Separate and Unequal is a history of lost opportunities to unite the peoples of Jerusalem. A central focus of the book is Teddy Kollek, the city's outspoken mayor for nearly three decades, whose failures have gone largely unreported until now. But Kollek is only one character in a cast that includes prime ministers, generals, terrorists, European and American leaders, Arab shopkeepers, Israeli policemen, and Palestinian schoolchildren. The story the authors tell is as dramatic and poignant as the mosaic of religious and ethnic groups that call Jerusalem home. And coming at a time of renewed crisis, it offers a startling perspective on past mistakes that can point the way toward more equitable treatment of all Jerusalemites.

Segregation in Federal government agencies and programmes has been little appreciated as a key trait of American race relations in the decades before the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Federal government used its power to impose a segregated pattern of race relations among its employees and, through its programmes, upon the whole of American society well beyond the Mason-Dixon line. This pattern structured the relationship between ordinary black Americans and the US Federal government -whether as employees of government agencies, inmates, or officers in federal prisons, indicutees in the Armed Services, consumers of fedarlly guaranteed mortgages or job-seekers in United States Employment offices or visitors to National Parks in which the facilities were segregated (or in some cases, non-existent for Black American visitors). In all these instances, segregation did not imply seperation simply but also profound inequality. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how instead of thwarting segregated race relations, the Federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. This is the book's first major theme, explored through detailed examination of Federal government departments and programmes. The book's second major theme is that segregated race relations resulted in intense inequality for Black Americans.