Mei Zhong Mao Yi Nian Jian

In the author's opinion, commercial relations between China and Britain in the 1950s determined subsequent economic relations between the countries more than is commonly recognized. This book examines how trade was effected by the revolution and the crises surrounding the Korean war.

Emphasizing reference works published since 1964, these volumes cover books, periodicals, and inclusions (i.e., chapters in edited volumes) on the 1911 Revolution, the Republic of China (1949--), post-1911 Taiwan, post-1911 Hong Kong and Macao, and post-1911 overseas Chinese.

An analysis of the causes and consequences of China's transformation from a minor player to the world's tenth largest trader in less than two decades. It locates the transformation in the synergy created by new forces unleashed in China and their interaction with entrepreneurs in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Southeast Asia, who invested capital, transferred production facilities and provided the marketing channels by which Chinese goods reached world markets. The book also examines the dynamics behind Japan's increasing role in China's foreign trade in the late 1990s and the growing trade friction between China and the United States, which it argues is produced by the failure of the latter to recognise the dynamics of China's export growth.

This collection of essays by scholars from ten countries in Asia and elsewhere concludes that to the degree they can be delineated and identified, Asian values--often touted as the driving force behind Asia's rapid and remarkable economic strides--at a minimum failed to prevent the financial crisis.

Why do poor countries give aid to others? This book critically examines how aspirations for providing aid have coexisted with experiences of receiving aid and have transformed the practice of giving aid, with particular reference to the experiences of Japan and China. It highlights the historical sources that explain the pattern and strength of foreign aid that these new donors provide. The book has systematically examined the situation unique to middle income countries that are receiving and giving aid simultaneously. It sheds light on the endogenous elements embedded in the socio-economic conditions of emerging donors, as well as their learning process as aid recipients. This book examines not only the perspectives of recipients, but also those of donors: Japan in the case of China, and the USA and the World Bank in the case of Japan. By bringing in the donor’s perspective, we come to a holistic understanding of foreign aid as a product of interaction between the various agents involved. The book provides not only an in-depth case study of Japan from a historical perspective, but also stretches its scope to cover contemporary debates on "emerging donors," including China, India and Korea who have received substantial amount of aid from Japan in the past. This book connects the often separated discussion of Japanese aid and the way it developed in relation to outside forces. In short, this book represents the first attempt to empirically examine the "life of a donor" with a clear focus on the origins, struggles, and futures of non-western donors and their impact on established aid regime.

Addresses how to accommodate and integrate rising powers peacefully into the international order in the nuclear and globalized age.

The twelve essays in this volume underscore the similarities between Chinese and American approaches to bilateral diplomacy and between their perceptions of each other’s policy-making motivations. Much of the literature on U.S.–China relations posits that each side was motivated either by ideologically informed interests or by ideological assumptions about its counterpart. But as these contributors emphasize, newly accessible archives suggest rather that both Beijing and Washington developed a responsive and tactically adaptable foreign policy. Each then adjusted this policy in response to changing international circumstances and changing assessments of its counterpart’s policies. Motivated less by ideology than by pragmatic national security concerns, each assumed that the other faced similar considerations.