Middle Class African Marriage

In the 1970s among peoples of the third world migration, paid employment, and urban living had caused changes in domestic economies, in decision making in households, and in the sexual division of labour and power. This was particularly so in areas formerly subjected to colonial domination and therefore the influence of European mores and institutions. This book, previously published in 1974 as Marriage Among a Matrilineal Elite, this edition in 1981, provides one of the few detailed accounts of such changes, by a writer who has lived the kind of life she describes, that of the urban educated Akan of Southern Ghana – people who have migrated from farming and fishing villages to Accra the capital to find employment in government institutions after protracted higher education, often overseas. The study is particularly interesting because it focuses upon people from an ethnic area practicing matrilineal descent and inheritance, in which women and men have traditionally both worked in agriculture: in which husbands and wives have customarily resided in separate houses, affording both sexes considerable autonomy as spouses and in which women have held important political offices, as well as sharing responsibilities for maintenance of dependent children. Akan women provide an important model of responsible energetic females, who have in the past and to some extent in the present, avoided the domestic trap of wifely dependence. But, as we read, the trap is open to those who forsake traditional patterns of economic endeavour or whose resources vis á vis their men folk are reduced. The book was also a significant contribution to the comparative sociology of the family at the time, providing an exercise in methodology in which the aim has been to evolve ways of documenting and comparing two major aspects of change in conjugal family relationships. On one hand, the division of labour, resources and power between spouses – the ‘jointness or segregation’ of the conjugal role relationship – and on the other, the extent to which the conjugal family is a functionally discrete unit in a number of domestic activity areas: in popular and ambiguous terms whether the family is ‘extended’ or ‘nuclear’. The use of sociological concepts developed in other areas of the world gives this book a significant position in the development of a cross culturally valid sociology of the family. The subject matter and conceptual frameworks used here will thus be of interest to sociologists, economists and anthropologists in general and to specialists in African and Black studies, Women’s Studies and Sex Roles in particular, as well as to the male and female feminists around the world.

A distinguished Stanford law professor examines the steep decline in marriage rates among the African American middle class, and offers a paradoxical-nearly incendiary-solution. Black women are three times as likely as white women to never marry. That sobering statistic reflects a broader reality: African Americans are the most unmarried people in our nation, and contrary to public perception the racial gap in marriage is not confined to women or the poor. Black men, particularly the most successful and affluent, are less likely to marry than their white counterparts. College educated black women are twice as likely as their white peers never to marry. Is Marriage for White People? is the first book to illuminate the many facets of the African American marriage decline and its implications for American society. The book explains the social and economic forces that have undermined marriage for African Americans and that shape everyone's lives. It distills the best available research to trace the black marriage decline's far reaching consequences, including the disproportionate likelihood of abortion, sexually transmitted diseases, single parenthood, same sex relationships, polygamous relationships, and celibacy among black women. This book centers on the experiences not of men or of the poor but of those black women who have surged ahead, even as black men have fallen behind. Theirs is a story that has not been told. Empirical evidence documents its social significance, but its meaning emerges through stories drawn from the lives of women across the nation. Is Marriage for White People? frames the stark predicament that millions of black women now face: marry down or marry out. At the core of the inquiry is a paradox substantiated by evidence and experience alike: If more black women married white men, then more black men and women would marry each other. This book not only sits at the intersection of two large and well- established markets-race and marriage-it responds to yearnings that are widespread and deep in American society. The African American marriage decline is a secret in plain view about which people want to know more, intertwining as it does two of the most vexing issues in contemporary society. The fact that the most prominent family in our nation is now an African American couple only intensifies the interest, and the market. A book that entertains as it informs, Is Marriage for White People? will be the definitive guide to one of the most monumental social developments of the past half century.

In the 1970s among peoples of the third world migration, paid employment, and urban living had caused changes in domestic economies, in decision making in households, and in the sexual division of labour and power. This was particularly so in areas formerly subjected to colonial domination and therefore the influence of European mores and institutions. This book, previously published in 1974 as Marriage Among a Matrilineal Elite, this edition in 1981, provides one of the few detailed accounts of such changes, by a writer who has lived the kind of life she describes, that of the urban educated Akan of Southern Ghana – people who have migrated from farming and fishing villages to Accra the capital to find employment in government institutions after protracted higher education, often overseas. The study is particularly interesting because it focuses upon people from an ethnic area practicing matrilineal descent and inheritance, in which women and men have traditionally both worked in agriculture: in which husbands and wives have customarily resided in separate houses, affording both sexes considerable autonomy as spouses and in which women have held important political offices, as well as sharing responsibilities for maintenance of dependent children. Akan women provide an important model of responsible energetic females, who have in the past and to some extent in the present, avoided the domestic trap of wifely dependence. But, as we read, the trap is open to those who forsake traditional patterns of economic endeavour or whose resources vis á vis their men folk are reduced. The book was also a significant contribution to the comparative sociology of the family at the time, providing an exercise in methodology in which the aim has been to evolve ways of documenting and comparing two major aspects of change in conjugal family relationships. On one hand, the division of labour, resources and power between spouses – the ‘jointness or segregation’ of the conjugal role relationship – and on the other, the extent to which the conjugal family is a functionally discrete unit in a number of domestic activity areas: in popular and ambiguous terms whether the family is ‘extended’ or ‘nuclear’. The use of sociological concepts developed in other areas of the world gives this book a significant position in the development of a cross culturally valid sociology of the family. The subject matter and conceptual frameworks used here will thus be of interest to sociologists, economists and anthropologists in general and to specialists in African and Black studies, Women’s Studies and Sex Roles in particular, as well as to the male and female feminists around the world.

In Southern Africa, marriage used to be widespread and common. However, over the past decades marriage rates have declined significantly. Julia Pauli explores the meaning of marriage when only few marry. Although marriage rates have dropped sharply, the value of weddings and marriages has not. To marry has become an indicator of upper-class status that less affluent people aspire to. Using the appropriation of marriage by a rural Namibian elite as a case study, the book tells the entwined stories of class formation and marriage decline in post-apartheid Namibia.

Across Africa, a burgeoning middle class has become the poster child for the 'Africa rising' narrative. Ambitious, aspirational and increasingly affluent, this group is said to embody the values and hopes of the new Africa, with international bodies ranging from the United Nations Development Programme to the World Bank regarding them as important agents of both economic development and democratic change. This narrative, however, obscures the complex and often ambiguous role that this group actually plays in African societies. Bringing together economists, political scientists, anthropologists and development experts, and spanning a variety of case studies from across the continent, this collection provides a much-needed corrective to the received wisdom within development circles, and provides a fresh perspective on social transformations in contemporary Africa.

The so-called New Negroes of the period between World Wars I and II embodied a new sense of racial pride and upward mobility for the race. Many of them thought that relationships between spouses could be a crucial factor in realizing this dream. But there

First Published in 1969. Building upon the author's previous work, Survey of African Marriage and Family Life, this title's findings are intended to produce for policy-makers a picture of the forces producing changes in family relationships and the instability of marriage to which legislators, civil or religious, could refer when deciding what practices to treat as permissible and what to forbid. For this reason it has laid more emphasis than is usual in works of theoretical anthropology on specific aspects of African marriage where it has been assumed that the divergence was most marked.