Military And Democracy In Nepal

This book explores the development of the military as an organization and looks at the patterns of civil–military relations that have emerged in modern Nepal, especially after the rise of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who founded the unified state of Nepal. It combines astute analyses with up-to-date data to present a comprehensive account of the relations between monarchy, military and civil government and their impact on the democratization process in the country. The author underlines the pressing need for establishing civilian supremacy over the military, through developing and strengthening civilian supervisory mechanisms. The book will be an important resource to researchers, scholars, students of politics, military studies, peace and conflict studies, and history, particularly those concerned with Nepal. It will also interest policy-makers, security experts and military personnel.

The present study is an attempt to understand the problem of Maoist insurgency in Nepal since its inception to the withdrawal of the insurgency and the Maoist joining the political mainstream. The Maoist decision in 2006 to join the multi party democracy has not only given a new dimension to Nepali politics but it also raises a number of questions of academic interest. Why did Maoist take a U-turn? What are the problems and prospects of republican state and inclusive democracy in Nepal? How does the Maoist look at their political future in the upcoming political system of Nepal? These are the issues that his book has tried to focus upon. The study runs into seven chapter viz. COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN NEPAL: HISTORICO-POLITICAL CONTEXT " A MOVEMENT IN THE MAKING PARTIES, GOVERNANCE AND POLITICS BETWEEN 1990-95 " MAOIST IDEOLOGY, ORGANIZATION AND STRATEGY " MAOIST SUPPORT BASES, FACTORS AND FORCES " GROWTH OF MAOIST MOVEMENT " MAOIST MOVEMENT AND HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES " TAKING A 'U' TURN: MAOISTS JOINNING THE POLITICAL MAINSTREAM " The study is designed to discuss the Maoist problems in their total perspective: from its emergence to their joinning the mainstream politics and afterwards. It is hoped that the book will be useful to both academics and the general readers.

Chiefly on the post 1990 period.

The Bullet and the Ballot Box offers a rich and sweeping account of a decade of revolutionary upheaval. When Nepal’s Maoists launched their armed rebellion in the nineties, they had limited public support and many argued that their ideology was obsolete. Twelve years later they were in power, and their ambitious plan of social transformation dominated the national agenda. How did this become possible? Adhikari’s narrative draws on a broad range of sources – including novels, letters and diaries – to illuminate the history and human drama of the Maoist revolution. An indispensible account of Nepal’s recent history, the book offers a fascinating case study of how communist ideology has been reinterpreted and translated into political action in the twenty-first century.

In sharp contrast to neighboring India, the Muslim nation of Pakistan has been ruled by its military for over three decades. The Army and Democracy identifies steps for reforming Pakistan’s armed forces and reducing its interference in politics, and sees lessons for fragile democracies striving to bring the military under civilian control.

Since the end of the Cold War, the international community, and the USA in particular, has intervened in a series of civil conflicts around the world. In a number of cases, where actions such as economic sanctions or diplomatic pressures have failed, military interventions have been undertaken. This 1999 book examines four US-sponsored interventions (Panama, Somalia, Haiti and Bosnia), focusing on efforts to reconstruct the state which have followed military action. Such nation-building is vital if conflict is not to recur. In each of the four cases, Karin von Hippel considers the factors which led the USA to intervene, the path of military intervention, and the nation-building efforts which followed. The book seeks to provide a greater understanding of the successes and failures of US policy, to improve strategies for reconstruction, and to provide some insight into the conditions under which intervention and nation-building are likely to succeed.

This fast-paced and comprehensive account of Nepal today traces the recent past and the present of Nepali politics and geopolitics from the vantage point of an insider who had a ringside view of the developments of the last two decades. This was a turbulent, eventful era which had a transformative impact on the country. In this short span, Nepal experienced the Maoist revolt, the palace massacre, the state of emergency, the royal coup, the people's movement, the republic, the Madhes uprising, the Constituent Assembly, federalism and the new Constitution. Looking back at these developments, Sudheer Sharma argues that poverty, unemployment and oppression drove the Maoist revolt, and despite its ultimate failure, it played a decisive role in the socio-political transformation of Nepal. Furthermore, the relationship between the Maoists, the monarchy (Durbar) and the Indian establishment (Delhi) is absolutely critical to the understanding of the trajectory of the changes. The Nepal Nexus examines the impact of each of these three strands and tracks the complex interplay between them.

Nepal's democracy struggle has been continuing for more than six decades. Since it could not sustain a stable democratic framework even after several attempts in the past, many scholars are stating that Nepal is in permanent transition. Once again, however, it has bagged enormous success in the field of political transformation in 2006 through a highly successful but peacefully organised movement with participation of people from all fields in large numbers. But it could not deconstruct the position of the transition as it has failed to institutionalise the recently gained achievements by making a new constitution even after five years. The only positive thing is that Nepali people, along with various political parties, are still trying hard to resolve vital conflicting issues through dialogue, and come up with a new democratic constitution, though they have already missed three deadlines.