Nations We Love To Hate

Shows how old fantasies about Jews have found new targets amongst Europeans in the postwar period. While classical, "operational" antisemitism has disappeared, it has been replaced by "eliminationism-lite", which focuses not on individual Jews but on the Jewish country, Israel, and its leaders. Notes parallels between anti-Israelism and anti-Americanism; both involve stereotyping, denigration, demonization (especially the view that Israel and America are involved in a conspiracy, directed by the former, to control the world), obsession, and elimination. While classical antisemitism has migrated to Islamic countries, new antisemitism flourishes in Europe, which employs a double standard to project blame onto the Jewish state and the USA to absolve itself from guilt related to its behavior during the Holocaust. Some features of the old antisemitism - e.g. the Jews as deicides - reappear in modern form. The hatred of Israel and the U.S. derives from their power, national identity, purpose (including a willingness to use force to defend themselves), and position in a world that resembles a Hobbesian hell. Seen as outsiders, the two countries can never be loved.

Despite food being safer, more affordable and more available than at any time in human history, consumers are increasingly skeptical and critical of today’s food system. In Size Matters, Charlie Arnot provides thought provoking insight into how the food system lost consumer trust, what can be done to restore it, and the remarkable changes taking place on farms and in food companies, supermarkets and restaurants every day as technology and consumer demand drive radical change. The very systems and technologies that are mistrusted by consumers are driving a revolution that empowers individual consumers to find the perfect recipe of taste and nutrition to meet their specific needs and desires. Size Matters pulls back the curtain to examine the irony, competing priorities and new realities that shape today’s food system.

No survey can capture the breadth and depth of the anti-Americanism that has swept Europe in recent years. From ultraconservative Bavarian grandmothers to thirty-year-old socialist activists in Greece, from globalization opponents to corporate executives--Europeans are joining in an ever louder chorus of disdain for America. For the first time, anti-Americanism has become a European lingua franca. In this sweeping and provocative look at the history of European aversion to America, Andrei Markovits argues that understanding the ubiquity of anti-Americanism since September 11, 2001, requires an appreciation of such sentiments among European elites going back at least to July 4, 1776. While George W. Bush's policies have catapulted anti-Americanism into overdrive, particularly in Western Europe, Markovits argues that this loathing has long been driven not by what America does, but by what it is. Focusing on seven Western European countries big and small, he shows how antipathies toward things American embrace aspects of everyday life--such as sports, language, work, education, media, health, and law--that remain far from the purview of the Bush administration's policies. Aggravating Europeans' antipathies toward America is their alleged helplessness in the face of an Americanization that they view as inexorably befalling them. More troubling, Markovits argues, is that this anti-Americanism has cultivated a new strain of anti-Semitism. Above all, he shows that while Europeans are far apart in terms of their everyday lives and shared experiences, their not being American provides them with a powerful common identity--one that elites have already begun to harness in their quest to construct a unified Europe to rival America.

This book locates US elites as members of corporate elite networks and drivers of corporate elite interests, arguing that studying the social sources of US power plays an important part in understanding the nature of their decisions in US foreign policy. Exploring the decisions taken by American elites on the Iraq War, the author argues that the decisions and agendas US elites pursued in Iraq were driven by corporate elite interests – embedded in them as individuals and in groups through the corporate elite networks they were rooted in – which they prioritised, using democracy promotion as a cover up. Using elite theory, membership network analysis and content analysis, this book explains who these elites were, how their backgrounds and social influences impacted their world-views, and what this looked like in a detailed exploration of their decision-making on the ground in Iraq. Nouri examines the nature of US power, what drives it, what it looks like and its legacies. This volume provides valuable understandings and lessons to scholars and students of International Relations studying democracy, US foreign policy, post-colonialism, elite theory, US imperialism, neoliberalism, orientalism, Iraqi politics, and the making of the Iraq constitution.

In The Case for Peace, Dershowitz identifies twelve geopolitical barriers to peace between Israel and Palestine–and explains how to move around them and push the process forward. From the division of Jerusalem and Israeli counterterrorism measures to the security fence and the Iranian nuclear threat, his analyses are clear-headed, well-argued, and sure to be controversial. According to Dershowitz, achieving a lasting peace will require more than tough-minded negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. In academia, Europe, the UN, and the Arab world, Israel-bashing and anti-Semitism have reached new heights, despite the recent Israeli-Palestinian movement toward peace. Surveying this outpouring of vilification, Dershowitz deconstructs the smear tactics used by Israel-haters and shows how this kind of anti-Israel McCarthyism is aimed at scuttling any real chance of peace.

In the name of academic freedom, the core values of higher education_honest scholarship, unbiased research, and diversity of thought and person_have been corrupted by an academy more interested in preserving its privileges than in protecting its own integrity. The American university has lost its civility. Nowhere is this loss more apparent than in the rise of anti-Semitism and anti-Israelism on college campuses. This book documents the alarming rise in bigotry and bullying in the academy, using a range of evidence from first-hand accounts of intimidation of students by anti-Israel professors to anti-Semitic articles in student newspapers and marginalization of pro-Israel scholars. The UnCivil University exposes the unspoken world of double standards, bureaucratic paralysis, and abdication of leadership that not only allows but often supports a vocal minority of extremists on campus.

This study examines fully the role that the historic European left has played in developing and espousing anti-Semitic views.

The authors here discern a "humane" impulse rising against the prevailing tendencies of market-driven opportunism-an impulse rapidly becoming manifest in international law. With focus on the United Nations and the norms, processes, and institutions with which it responds to militarism and war, poverty and maldevelopment, ecological imbalance, social justice, and alienation, they suggest workable initiatives and procedures through which relevant United Nations agencies might be reformed and/or transformed to effectively meet the new challenges of the next century. CONTRIBUTORS: Hilary Charlesworth, Kenneth K.S. Dadzie, Richard Falk, Hilary F. French, Bjöern Hettne, Robert C. Johansen, David W. Kennedy, B.G. Ramcharan, Anne-Marie Slaughter, and Peter Weiss. Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint.