Nigeria At Fifty

Eminent scholars highlight Nigeria¿s contributions to the promotion of peace, democracy, and development, in Africa and beyond, during the five decades since the country achieved independence. The contributors identify both concrete achievements and persistent challenges, as well as offering suggestions for a more effective foreign policy in the quest for a well-defined national interest.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous and biggest democracy, celebrates her fiftieth year as an independent nation in October 2010. As the cliché states, ‘As Nigeria goes, so goes Africa’. This book frames the socio-historical and political trajectory of Nigeria while examining the many dimensions of the critical choices that she has made as an independent nation. How does the social composition of interest and power illuminate the actualities and narratives of the Nigerian crisis? How have the choices made by Nigerian leaders structured, and/or have been structured by, the character of the Nigerian state and state-society relations? In what ways is Nigeria’s mono-product, debt-ridden, dependent economy fed by ‘the politics of plunder’? And what are the implications of these questions for the structural relationships of production, reproduction and consumption? This book confronts these questions by making state-centric approaches to understanding African countries speak to relevant social theories that pluralize and complicate our understanding of the specific challenges of a prototypical postcolonial state. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous and biggest democracy, celebrates her fiftieth year as an independent nation in October 2010. As the cliché states, ‘As Nigeria goes, so goes Africa’. This book frames the socio-historical and political trajectory of Nigeria while examining the many dimensions of the critical choices that she has made as an independent nation. How does the social composition of interest and power illuminate the actualities and narratives of the Nigerian crisis? How have the choices made by Nigerian leaders structured, and/or have been structured by, the character of the Nigerian state and state-society relations? In what ways is Nigeria’s mono-product, debt-ridden, dependent economy fed by ‘the politics of plunder’? And what are the implications of these questions for the structural relationships of production, reproduction and consumption? This book confronts these questions by making state-centric approaches to understanding African countries speak to relevant social theories that pluralize and complicate our understanding of the specific challenges of a prototypical postcolonial state. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies.

BY ALL DIMENSIONS NIGERIA SHOULD BE ONE OF THE MOST PROSPEROUS of the world's developing countries. Instead it is one of the poorest. Its journey from independence to Statehood reveals a chequered existence. Its success has been hobbled since 1960 by ethnic and religious conflict, political instability, widespread official corruption and an ailing economy-problems which, on occasion, confront Nigeria at a scale unparalleled in modern Africa. The question is: What direction will Nigeria head after fifty years of independence? Will it consolidate democracy, impose good governance, enforce management and maintenance culture, improve the living conditions of its huge population and top the list of the world's developing countries? Or will it continue to earn huge amount of petro-dollars while half its population walks in darkness, and, at long last, break apart along ethnic and religious lines? Kevin Eze, a young Nigerian writer and pianist, answers these questions with insight, imagination and lucidity in NIGERIA AFTER 50.

The developed countries must encourage Nigeria and other African countries to display responsible leadership that accounts for their actions. This is an attribute of democracy, which involves strict adherence to the constitution of the country involved. Sectional domination of all the strategic positions has never helped development in any country. Any person or group of persons gaining from such should better know that such gain is only momentary. Sectional domination has given yield to high rate of corruption, wastage in human resources, and unnecessary bloodshed among other crimes. The ultimate aim of practical politics is attainment of power. One thing about power is that it carries certain obligations and responsibilities. The initial aim of the seeker may be to serve. Power is supposed to be used as a latent weapon for development and growth, if well managed, but never for destruction. Power is transient and must never be seen to be localized to any section. Otherwise, that system that provides the platform for the welder of such power will one day collapse and disintegrate into its component parts. Therefore, any person or group of persons suggesting or supporting sectional domination is simply encouraging the collapse of that system and should be held responsible for such. The Nigerian politicians and their militarys old game of business-as-usual looting of resources meant that development is better gone forever. Same goes for the sectional military coup coming to the rescue of its civilian government, using constitution drafting and state creation as means of diverting attention for consolidation until the environment is once more conducive for its civilian government. However, in Arthur Nzeribes Nigeria: The Turning Point, he says that leaders must know that politics or leadership is a serious business that involves millions of people. They must, therefore, recognize the significance of seriousness in policy making and must not toy with lives of these millions by altering the sectional domination.