Orsam Analysis Number 317 T Rkiye And Somalia A New Cooperation Approach From Regional Security To Economic Development

Türkiye's policy towards Somalia specifically, and Africa and the Red Sea region in general, historically has had strong ties with the countries of the region. However, the process of relations during the early Republic era was fraught with numerous opportunities and challenges. This is also true for the "Defence and Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement" approved last month by the Somali Cabinet. As a NATO member, the Republic of Türkiye, especially since 1991, and more intensively with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's visit to Mogadishu in 2011 along with his family during his prime ministership, deepened its relations with Somalia in diplomatic, security, economic, and socio-cultural fields. The process of deepening relations between the two countries in various fields continues within the areas requested by Somalia and within the capabilities of Türkiye, as demonstrated by this framework agreement. In this context, the "Defence and Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement" signed between Türkiye and Somalia hold strategic importance both for the two countries involved and for regional stability. This 10-year agreement aims to expand cooperation, especially in the fields of maritime security, military training, and economic collaboration. The agreement grants Türkiye the authority to supervise maritime security operations in Somali territorial waters. Türkiye aims to support the reconstruction of the Somali Navy, combat illegal fishing within Somalia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), enhance Somalia's capacity to fight against illegal and unregulated activities, and use the economic resources derived from the Somali EEZ for the development of the Somali Navy. Thus, this agreement has the potential to contribute both to the development of bilateral relations and to the security of a strategically located region crucial for the stability of international trade. However, considering that this agreement is a framework agreement, a more comprehensive analysis of the benefits for both countries or its contribution to regional stability will be possible with the public presentation of the sub-agreements in the coming period. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to identify the turning points in the relations between the two countries within the framework of the said agreement and to analyse its contribution to regional stability. This cooperation marks a turning point in relations between the two countries in terms of significantly strengthening the Somali government's efforts to maintain its sovereignty. In Somalia, where economic and political issues are prevalent, Türkiye's support in the fight against the security problems posed by the terrorist organization Al-Shabaab has been prominent. Thus, another important aspect of the agreement is Türkiye's responsibility to ensure maritime security in Somali waters and to protect the region. In this respect, the agreement can also be considered a concrete example of Türkiye's efforts to expand its international collaborations in military training, security, and defence industry areas. Therefore, the agreement is an important step that will contribute to regional and global security dynamics and further strengthen the strategic partnership between Türkiye and Somalia. From this point, the study first examines the relations between the two countries from 2011 to the said agreement. Then, it analyses the opportunities and challenges for Türkiye, Somalia, and the maintenance of regional stability, as well as the regional and global implications, and presents policy recommendations

The movement of displaced people, migrants and refugees has become increasingly important around the world, leading to a need for increased scrutiny of global responses and policies towards migration. This book focuses on the Middle East, where many nations are part of this global phenomenon as both home, transit and/or host country. Refugee Governance, State and Politics in the Middle East examines the patterns of legal, political and institutional responses to large-scale Syrian forced migration. It analyses the motivations behind neighbouring countries' policy responses, how their responses change over time and how they have an impact on regional and global cooperation. Looking in particular at Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, three of the world's top refugee hosting countries, this book explores how refugee governance differs across countries and why they diverge. To theorize variations, the book introduces multi-pattern and multi-stage refugee governance models as two complementary analytical frameworks. The book further argues that each of these three states’ refugee responses is constructed based on three main factors: internal political interests, economic-development related concerns, and foreign policy objectives as well as interactions among them. The book’s categorizations and models (on policy fields, actors, stages, patterns and driving forces) provide analytical tools to researchers for comparative analyses. Scholars and students of Comparative Politics, International Relations, Refugee Studies, Global Governance and Middle Eastern Studies will find this book a useful contribution to their fields.

Provides an evaluation of Netherlands-supported humanitarian aid to Somalia during the period 1991 to 1993 following civil conflict and drought. Includes case studies of relief operations provided by a number of organizations to which the Netherlands allocated funds.

This book is a collection of selected papers presented at the 3rd Turkish Migration Conference (TMC). TMC 2015 was hosted by Charles University Prague, Czech Republic from 25 to 27 June 2015. The TMC 2015 was the third event in the series that we were proud to organise and host at Charles University Prague. This selection of papers presented at the conference are only a small portion of contributions. Many other papers are included in edited books and submitted to refereed journals in due course. There were a total of about 146 papers by over 200 authors presented in 40 parallel sessions and three plenary sessions at Jinonice Campus of Charles University Prague. About a fıfth of the sessions at the conference were in Turkish language although the main language was English. Therefore some of the proceedings are in Turkish too. The keynote speakers included Douglas Massey of Princeton University, Caroline Brettell of Southern Methodist University, and Nedim Gürsel of CNRS.

This volume investigates the nature and changing roles of the non-state armed groups in the Middle East with a special focus on Kurdish, Shia and Islamic State groups. To understand the nature of transformation in the Middle Eastern geopolitical space, it provides new empirical and analytical insights into the impact of three prominent actors, namely ISIS, YPG and Shia Militias. With its distinctive detailed and multi-faceted analyses, it offers new findings on the changing contours of sovereignty, geopolitics and ideology, particularly after the Arab Uprisings. Overall this volume contributes to the study of violent geopolitics, critical security studies and international relations particularly by exploring the ideologies and strategies of the new non-state armed actors.

In Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, central governments historically pursued mono-nationalist ideologies and repressed Kurdish identity. As evidenced by much unrest and a great many Kurdish revolts in all these states since the 1920s, however, the Kurds manifested strong resistance towards ethnic chauvinism. What sorts of authoritarian state policies have Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria relied on to contain the Kurds over the years? Can meaningful democratization and liberalization in any of these states occur without a fundamental change vis-à-vis their Kurdish minorities? To what extent does the Kurdish issue function as both a barrier and key to democratization in four of the most important states of the Middle East? While many commentators on the Middle East stress the importance of resolving the Arab-Israeli dispute for achieving 'peace in the Middle East,' this book asks whether or not the often overlooked Kurdish issue may constitute a more important fulcrum for change in the region, especially in light of the 'Arab Spring' and recent changes in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria.

By examining Libya’s security architecture before and after the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervention in 2011, this book aims to answer three questions. First, what were the security patterns in Libya within the Middle East security complex before the Arab Spring? Second, to what extent did the Arab Spring and the revolution and intervention processes in Libya affect this security architecture? And third, what are the implications of the Libyan revolution and the NATO intervention on regional security and on the security sub-complexes of the Middle East in the post-Arab Spring era? The author addresses these issues by providing a micro-level analysis of amity-enmity patterns, power distribution and external power interests.

Rich in its spatial scope, this edited collection provides an extensive and detailed overview of contemporary Turkish foreign policy. From the founding principles of foreign policy in the early republic to changing patterns during the second half of the 20th century, this text not only charts underexplored periods in Turkish foreign policy history, but also offers a fresh analysis of recent events, with new challenges ever-emerging in this region. This volume is essential reading for students, scholars and professionals of International Relations, foreign policy and international law who would like to study Turkish foreign policy.