Osce Yearbook 2017

Die Aufgaben und Aktivitäten der Organisation für Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa von der Konfliktverhütung und Krisenbewältigung über die Förderung von Demokratie und Menschenrechten bis zu regionaler Rüstungskontrolle – wissenschaftliche Analysen und Berichte aus der politischen und diplomatischen Praxis.

The Routledge Handbook of Arctic Security offers a comprehensive examination of security in the region, encompassing both state-based and militarized notions of security, as well as broader security perspectives reflecting debates about changes in climate, environment, economies, and societies. Since the turn of the century, the Arctic has increasingly been in the global spotlight, resulting in the often invoked idea of “Arctic exceptionalism” being questioned. At the same time, the unconventional political power which the Arctic’s Indigenous peoples hold calls into question conventional ideas about geopolitics and security. This handbook examines security in this region, revealing contestations and complementarities between narrower, state-based and/or militarized notions of security and broader security perspectives reflecting concerns and debates about changes in climate, environment, economies, and societies. The volume is split into five thematic parts: • Theorizing Arctic Security • The Arctic Powers • Security in the Arctic through Governance • Non-Arctic States, Regional and International Organizations • People, States, and Security. This book will be of great interest to students of Arctic politics, global governance, geography, security studies, and International Relations.

This open-access book presents cutting-edge research on securitization and democratic development in the OSCE Region. Gathering contributions by practitioners and researchers from various disciplines, it presents case studies and highlights recent activities of proactive engagement in democratic institution-building and responding to security threats from the Balkans to Central Asia. The volume is divided into three parts, the first of which focuses on security-related matters, armed conflicts, minorities, and women’s safety, as well as the roles that civil society, foreign governments, social media, and external donors play in this area. These contributions illustrate how the OSCE’s informal approach to peace, security, and securitization as norm entrepreneur is closely linked to the level of democracy among its member states. The second part presents a special section on the political implications of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), assessing the impact of this infrastructural program on the levels of democracy and/or autocracy in Eurasia. The third part consists of short chapters outlining future research and debates. The book will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, security studies, and the human rights-politics nexus. This is the 2022 instalment in a series of books released by the OSCE Academy in Bishkek. The OSCE works to promote Minority Protection, Security, Democratic Development and Human Rights, guided by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), and to enhance securitization and development policies in Eurasia, Europe, Central Asia and North America. Since being founded in 1993, the OSCE and its agencies and departments have attracted a wealth of academic research in various fields and disciplines, ranging from economic development and election monitoring to enhancing global principles of human rights and securitization.

This book looks into the processes of change and renewal of border control and border security and management during the past 30 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, and the immense challenges in nation-building in South-Eastern Europe after the collapse of former Yugoslavia in relation to strategic security management. The abolition of border controls within the Schengen area and simultaneous introduction of necessary replacement measures was an additional topic. The book provides an insight into which the European Union is competent in the reform and modernisation of state law enforcement agencies for ensuring effective border control, border surveillance and border management in line with the EU acquis communautaire and EU standards. In the 21st century, along with the process of globalisation, a constantly evolving security environment creates new dimensions of threats and challenges to security and stability of transnational nature. This seeks for comprehensive, multidimensional, collective and well-coordinated responses. The European Union, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, United Nations, as well as other international organisations are able to really contribute to developing cooperative and coordinated responses to these threats by relying on its broad membership and profound expertise and experience. According to the position of the European Union, a modern, cost-benefit-oriented and effective border management system should ensure both, open borders as well as maximum of security at the same time. Thus, the Union’s endeavour is to safeguarding internal security to all member states through preventing transnational threats, combating irregular migration and any forms of cross-border crime for ensuring smooth border crossings for legitimate travellers and their belongings, goods and services. That is why the Union’s concept of Integrated Border Management has been developed to ensure effective border control and surveillance and cost-efficient management of the external borders of the European Union. The Union’s policy is and will continue to be developed on the basis of the three main areas in place: common legislation, close operational/tactical cooperation and financial solidarity. In addition, Integrated Border Management has been confirmed as a priority area for strengthening the cooperation with third countries in the European Commission’s strategic security management approach, where non-EU countries are encouraged as partners to upgrade their border security, surveillance and border management systems.

Established in June 2014, New-Med is a research network of Mediterranean experts and policy analysts with a special interest in the complex social, political, cultural and security-related dynamics that are unfolding in the Mediterranean region. The network is developed by IAI, in cooperation with the OSCE Secretariat in Vienna, the Compagnia di San Paolo of Turin, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and the German Marshall Fund (GMF) of the United States. At the core of the New-Med activities stands the need to rethink the role of multilateral, regional and sub-regional organisations, to make them better equipped to respond to fast-changing local and global conditions and to address the pressing demands coming from Mediterranean societies all around the basin. This volume examines the goals and prospects of the OSCE’s growing engagement in the Mediterranean region and, more specifically, with the OSCE’s six Mediterranean Partners for Cooperation (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia). The volume’s four chapters focus on the OSCE’s potential role in international efforts to stabilize Libya, a country which has been ravaged by a prolonged and destructive civil war, becoming the epicenter of conflict dynamics with far-reaching implications for both neighbouring countries and Europe. Each chapter addresses a particular theme, or level of analysis, tied to the current conflict in Libya. Beginning with an introductory chapter outlining the OSCE’s growing engagements in the Mediterranean region and Libya’s abortive requests to joint the OSCE Mediterranean Partnership, subsequent chapters delve into the minute details of the major internal and external obstacles to peace-building and stabilization in Libya, addressing the role of regional, European and international actors involved in the country. A final chapter delivers a Russian viewpoint of these themes and traces Moscow’s evolving policy and interests in Libya while addressing the broader role of the OSCE in the Mediterranean.

The publication of this issue on Future for Europe marks a new milestone for TPQ. The journal was founded in 2002 and we celebrated its 20th anniversary with the last issue on Artificial Intelligence and Democratic Values. Among many academics and AI policy professionals, it was considered a landmark publication. Turkish Policy Quarterly (TPQ) now has a new identity as Transatlantic Policy Quarterly (TPQ). Our plans to move with this name have been ongoing for a while. The success of the last issue was a perfect illustration of the necessity of this change. TPQ's editorial and curatorial policies have and will continue to reflect a global perspective without sacrificing its roots. This means we will extend our coverage beyond what we currently offer. In the wake of the Russian incursion into the Ukraine, European soil has seen a return of tragedy. As memories of the Second World War on the continent have receded, it has been argued that the European project has lost appeal over the past few decades. This is no longer the case. The war has also exposed the EU's deficiencies and highlighted the fact that it must be reformed to fulfill the needs of the twenty-first century. The Covid-19 pandemic is also one of the most significant events in our lifetime, and it has radically altered the way Europeans perceive their own societies and the world in general. Nonetheless, one of the most important lessons we can learn from these tragic events is that we must show a strong, constant, and united capability to deter and confront acts of violence. Professor Thomas Diez writes that the war in Ukraine fundamentally challenges the post-Cold War international order. In that regard, he believes that alternative visions of a European order should be developed to counter the scenario of a renewed Cold War. The author reassesses the concepts of interdependence, socialization, normative power, and international society in his contribution to uncover some general lessons for the European order, as well as provide concrete suggestions for alternative policy strategies. As he points out, such an order would require more honest engagement, a system of great power management with social links, and a creative approach to thinking about joint institutions and regional overlaps. Professor Knud Erik Jørgensen starts with a timely question: Europe's hour of reckoning? In his view, the hour of reckoning refers to when one must confront past mistakes and determine a course of action. He says Russia's war in Ukraine exposes numerous mistakes Europe made in the past and accelerates the development of a new foreign policy paradigm. As a result, he examines the role played by the emerging policy paradigm in shaping the politics of EU foreign policy. Furthermore, the article argues that the emerging paradigm is closely linked, if not dependent, on the ongoing processes of reckoning, that is, to the extent with which past mistakes are acknowledged. Lastly, the article makes a case that the twin processes of reckoning and paradigm change make up a crucial element of Europe's future. Professor Giuseppe Bertola explores a different perspective. According to her, the common-market project, that after World War II aimed to prevent future wars among European nations, has evolved through crises into a complex and unstable set of policies and institutions to govern the European Union. A pandemic caused by the COVID-19 virus and the war in Ukraine strengthened coordination and added issuance of common debt to the supranational policy toolkit. Nevertheless, NextGenEU relies heavily on government subsidies rather than on market incentives, and Russian invasion of the Ukraine demonstrates that economic integration can only shift the boundaries of war from nation-based to those of the integrated economic area. We invite you to learn more about the factors that will shape the future of Europe.

This book examines the politics of the relationships between multilateral organizations that have come to play a major role in contemporary efforts to manage international security. Drawing on concepts developed in Organizational Studies, the book starts from the assumption that inter-organizational relationships are the product of contested politics. Politics that may be either more cooperative or more competitive, but which always contains elements of both. This volume focuses on inter-organizational relations emanating from, through and towards the regional scale. The proliferation in the number of regional multilateral organizations in recent decades and their growing claims to represent effective and legitimate frameworks to address security threats and issues has been widely noted. The book is organized into four sections, covering all aspects of the inter-organizational relationships in which regional multilateral organizations are involved: global-regional, intra-regional, inter-regional, and multi-scalar. Each chapter addresses a distinct case study of inter-organizational relations (bilateral, trilateral or wider network), and examines the politics shaping these relations. This book will be of much interest to students of international security, international organizations, global governance and area studies, more generally.

The book comprehensively discusses legal and political issues of non-recognized entities in the context of international and European Law, combining perspectives of international and European law with those of the non-recognized entities themselves.