Political Modernization In The Gulf

The entire Gulf is passing through a transitional phase. The member-states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are witnessing change in varying degrees. The change has become too evident from the 1960s. It was oil, more than any other factor, which was responsible for a rapid transition. Control over oil production and marketing have led to the strengthening of governmental role as owner and distributor of oil income. The regions tribal society is being transformed into a modern society. Political modernization is a recent phenomenon if the nature and extent of structural and informal transformations are taken into account. Three broadly defined phases of political change can be discerned in the Arabian Peninsula: the traditional, the neo-traditional, and the modernizing or post-traditional. The modernizing phase was initiated by radical policies of socio-economic development, including the necessary restructuring of replacement of regimes and a redefinition or expansion of the scope and role of the state. However, the pace and direction of change is not clear enough. The coming few decades are crucial in this regard.

Kristian Coates Ulrichsen documents the startling rise of the Arab Gulf States as regional powers with international reach and provides a definitive account of how they have become embedded in the global system of power, politics, and policy-making.

The crucial importance of the Gulf region today – which may be defined as comprising the states of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, with Iran as a non-Arab onlooker – has stimulated surprisingly little interest in academic circles. Much of what has been written, moreover, focuses exclusively on those aspects of direct concern to external interests. The focus of this book is on the Gulf region as an area with its own problems of social, economic and political development. It examines the dimensions of the attempts by the governments and peoples of the area to create new social, economic and political structures – stemming mainly, of course, from their new-found oil wealth. First published in 1980.

Processes of change, stagnation and development in the countries of the Gulf Co-operation Council are analyzed in this book. The contributors show impact of oil revenues on population change and social development and on redefining the socio-economic role of the state. Oil could open venues for industrialization and development. However, lack of population policies, problems of human resources development, the rather slow change in gender relations and in political systems and heavy spending on militarization, it is argued, could impede development endeavour.

This book delves into the economic development of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Since the 1960s, the GCC states have harnessed their potential to exploit the wealth accrued from the oil boom to build their infrastructure and grow their economies. However, the high level of dependency on oil as the primary source feeding their output made their economies volatile and vulnerable to fluctuations in the global oil prices. Moreover, the plunge in oil prices and the threat of depletion of this natural resource pose serious challenges to the GCC countries. Consequently, the GCC governments have realized the importance of diversifying their economies following the need to move away from reliance on hydrocarbon. This book contributes to the theoretical literature by enriching the debate on the transition of the GCC countries from rentier states to diversified economies. It helps students and scholars understand this transformation with an expansive comprehension of the contemporary challenges facing the region, as well as outlining prospects for the future.

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, political, economic and security-related changes have exerted tremendous pressure on the countries of the Gulf states. The countries have attempted to respond to such challenges by retaining their values, policies and institutions whilst preferring an incremental approach to change. This book seeks to tackle the many controversial and contradictory issues that have emerged within Gulf countries between traditional and modernist approaches to political, economic, social, cultural and educational change. It also examines the substantial gap that remains between the reality and aspirations of the Gulf in relation to: consolidated political development; the adoption of popular participation and elements of democracy; improved developmental models, economic structures and education systems; reinforced social structures; enhanced cultural dynamism; and the empowerment of women in public life.

The US-led war against Iraq in 2003 represented the most dramatic shake-up of regional politics in the Gulf for more than a decade. This book contains an up-to-date analysis of central questions affecting the construction of a post-Ba'th regime in Iraq, and charts possible ways forward in other key states of the region such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. At the heart of the analysis lies the tension between the US-sponsored vision of a democratic, free market Gulf region and local resistance to this model. This resistance, appearing in the shape of alternative visions of democracy and the state, could potentially present a challenge to US policy through the spread of repressive policies or terrorism, especially if Washington chooses to sideline the social forces behind it. Conversely, if this resistance were taken seriously by the US, it could form a point of departure for more fruitful interaction between traditions of government from the West and local politics. Future developments on this important issue will be of immense significance for the management of some of the world's largest oil and gas reserves, with immediate implications for both regional political stability as well as for the world economy.

In this 2010 edition of their book on the economic development of the Middle East and North Africa, Clement Henry and Robert Springborg reflect on what has happened to the region's economy since 2001. How have the various countries in the Middle East responded to the challenges of globalization and to the rise of political Islam, and what changes, for better or for worse, have occurred? Utilizing the country categories they applied in the previous book and further elaborating the significance of the structural power of capital and Islamic finance, they demonstrate how over the past decade the monarchies (as exemplified by Jordan, Morocco and those of the Gulf Cooperation Council) and the conditional democracies (Israel, Turkey and Lebanon) continue to do better than the military dictatorships or 'bullies' (Egypt, Tunisia and now Iran) and 'the bunker states' (Algeria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Syria and Yemen).