Political Violence Public Order

Protest and political violence are concerns of global importance in the twenty-first century. This dictionary brings together in one comprehensive volume a number of key issues relating to the conduct of protest and political violence and the response of the state and police to such activities.

Protest and political violence are concerns of global importance in the twenty-first century. This dictionary brings together in one comprehensive volume a number of key issues relating to the conduct of protest and political violence and the response of the state and police to such activities.

Often identified as a major cause of the Republic's collapse, the absence of a professional police force in classical Rome was in fact a characteristic shared with other premodern states. The mechanisms of self-regulation that operated as a stabilizing force are examined in this study.

This edited collection offers a broad reinterpretation of the origins of Canada. Drawing on cutting-edge research in a number of fields, Violence, Order, and Unrest explores the development of British North America from the mid-eighteenth century through the aftermath of Confederation. The chapters cover an ambitious range of topics, from Indigenous culture to municipal politics, public executions to runaway slave advertisements. Cumulatively, this book examines the diversity of Indigenous and colonial experiences across northern North America and provides fresh perspectives on the crucial roles of violence and unrest in attempts to establish British authority in Indigenous territories. In the aftermath of Canada 150, Violence, Order, and Unrest offers a timely contribution to current debates over the nature of Canadian culture and history, demonstrating that we cannot understand Canada today without considering its origins as a colonial project.

See "Anti-Semitism" (p. 42-47); "The Jewish Conspiracy" (p. 151-158); "The East London Campaign" (p. 217-234); and pp. 250-259.

Published in 1998. This research is based on observations made of 33 crowd events between February 1992 - February 1995. These took place in Turkey, England and Wales and all of which involved a large police deployment. In addition, informal interviews were conducted in both countries, involving key figures in areas of police public order training and practice. Further, visits were made to training sites and public order units, to familiarise the researcher with public order policing in both countries. Finally, the researcher has attended three major public order courses organised for the senior members of British police forces. This research analyzes the underlying assumptions contained within the existing theories in the field and attempts to adjudicate on the validity of both classical and modern contributions to the understanding of the field. The research concludes that any public order policing, regardless of the political system it serves, will tend to be relatively paramilitary and oppressive. Civilian public order policing practices need to take account of an approach which appreciates a wide combination of levels of understanding as represented by Combined Factors Approach. Finally, it is argued that the more public order policy reflects the potential level of understanding promoted by the CFA the less emphasis on paramilitary techniques will be deployed as tactics of last resort.

Niccolò Machiavelli is the most prominent and notorious theorist of violence in the history of European political thought - prominent, because he is the first to candidly discuss the role of violence in politics; and notorious, because he treats violence as virtue rather than as vice. In this original interpretation, Yves Winter reconstructs Machiavelli's theory of violence and shows how it challenges moral and metaphysical ideas. Winter attributes two central theses to Machiavelli: first, violence is not a generic technology of government but a strategy that tends to correlate with inequality and class conflict; and second, violence is best understood not in terms of conventional notions of law enforcement, coercion, or the proverbial 'last resort', but as performance. Most political violence is effective not because it physically compels another agent who is thus coerced; rather, it produces political effects by appealing to an audience. As such, this book shows how in Machiavelli's world, violence is designed to be perceived, experienced, remembered, and narrated.