Populism And Civil Society

Populists claim to be the only legitimate representative of the people. Does it mean that there is no space for civil society? The issue is important because since Tocqueville (1835), associations and civil society have been recognized as a key factor in a healthy liberal democracy. We ask two questions: 1) do individuals who are members of civil associations vote less for populist parties? 2)does membership in associations decrease when populist parties are in power? We answer thesequestions looking at the experiences of Europe, which has a rich civil society tradition, as well as of Latin America, which already has a long history of populists in power. The main findings are that individuals belonging to associations are less likely by 2.4 to 4.2 percent to vote for populist parties, which is large considering that the average vote share for populist parties is from 10 to 15 percent. The effect is strong particularly after the global financial crisis, with the important caveat that membership in trade unions has unclear effects.

""Populism and Civil Society: The Challenge to Constitutional Democracy" is a theoretical work, that draws on extensive secondary literature as well comparative analysis of cases. The aim is to assess the significance of what is now a global phenomenon--the populist challenge to constitutional democracy. After defining populism using the methods of immanent criticism and ideal typic construction, it proceeds to examine the challenge in terms of its four main organizational forms: movement mobilization, political party, government and regime. It considers the important questions "why populism" and "why now". Without presupposing the authoritarian logic of the phenomenon in the definition, the book seeks to demonstrate it through the reconstruction of the main elements used by advocates to identify populism. It shows that the authoritarian logic is not realized in every empirical form of populism, and considers why this is so for many movement and party forms, and even populists "in" government vs. populism as 'the" government. The historical examples of the latter we identify as "hybrid" regimes blending authoritarian elements and residual democratic forms. The book then proceeds to consider the uneasy relationship of populism to constitutionalism. It presents populism as a form of abusive or instrumental "constitutionalism" often relying on the alleged permanence of the quasi-revolutionary constituent power. It concludes by outlining a non- and anti-populist project of democratization and social justice, distinguishing between the "popular" and the "populist" and outlining a program based on the plurality of democracies and the rescue of some of left populism's "host ideologies""--

Even as the specter of populism haunts contemporary societies, scholars have not been able to agree about what it is. Except for one thing: a deviation from democracy, the source, it seems, of the precarious position in which so many societies find themselves today. This volume aims to break the Gordian knot of “populism” by bringing a new social theory to bear and, in so doing so, suggesting that normative judgments about this misunderstood phenomenon need to be reconsidered as well. Populism is not a democratic deviation but a naturally occurring dimension of civil sphere dynamics, fatal to democracy only at the extremes. Because populism is highly polarizing, it has the effect of inducing anxiety that civil solidarity is breaking apart. Left populists feel as if civil solidarity is an illusion, that democratic discourse is a fig leaf for private interests, and that the social and cultural differentiation that vouchsafes the independence of the civil sphere merely reflects the hegemony of narrow professional interests or those of a ruling class. Right populists share the same distrust, even repulsion, for the civil sphere. What seems civil to the center and left, like affirmative action or open immigration, they call out as particularistic; honored civil icons, such as Holocaust memorials, they trash. How can the sense of a vital civil center survive such censure from populism on the left and the right? Populism in the Civil Sphere provides compelling answers to these fundamental questions. Its contributions are both sophisticated theoretical interventions and deeply researched empirical studies, and it will be of great interest to anyone concerned about the most important political developments of our time.

Introduction -- Populism : why and why now? -- Populism as mobilization and as a party -- Populist governments and their logic -- Populism and constitutionalism -- Alternatives to populism.

Using international perspectives and case studies, this book discusses the relationships between community development and populism in the context of today’s widespread crisis of democracy. It investigates the development, meanings and manifestations of contemporary forms of populism and explores the synergies and contradictions between the values and practices of populism and community development. Contributors examine the ways that the ascendancy of right-wing populist politics is influencing the landscapes within which community development is located and they offer new insights on how the field can understand and respond to the challenges of populism.

What is the impact of populism on the EU? How did the EU institutions and civil society react to the recent rise of populist parties? To answer such relevant questions and understand populism in terms of ideas, political outcomes, and social dynamics, academia needs to engage with institutional actors, civil society organizations, and policy makers. By bringing together academics, members of European institutions and agencies, and leaders of civil society organizations, this edited volume bridges the gap between research and practice. It explores how populism impacted on European institutions and civil society and investigates their reactions and strategies to overcome the challenges posed by populists. This collection is organized into three main sections, i.e., general European governance; European Parliament and Commission; European organized civil society. Overall, the volume unveils how the populist threat was perceived within the EU institutions and NGOs and discusses the strategies they devised to react and how these were implemented in institutional and public communication.

What is the impact of populism on the EU? How did the EU institutions and civil society react to the recent rise of populist parties? To answer such relevant questions and understand populism in terms of ideas, political outcomes, and social dynamics, academia needs to engage with institutional actors, civil society organizations, and policy makers. By bringing together academics, members of European institutions and agencies, and leaders of civil society organizations, this edited volume bridges the gap between research and practice. It explores how populism impacted on European institutions and civil society and investigates their reactions and strategies to overcome the challenges posed by populists. This collection is organized into three main sections, i.e., general European governance; European Parliament and Commission; European organized civil society. Overall, the volume unveils how the populist threat was perceived within the EU institutions and NGOs and discusses the strategies they devised to react and how these were implemented in institutional and public communication. Carlo Ruzza is Professor of Political Sociology at the University of Trento, Italy. He has widely published on radical right populist parties and political movements in southern Europe, particularly in Italy, and on civil society advocacy roles. His current research interests focus on civil society organisations specialising in anti-discrimination and human rights policy at the EU level and the impact of populism on EU institutions. Carlo Berti is Research Fellow at the School of International Studies, University of Trento, Italy. He holds a PhD in Communication Studies from Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand. His current research focuses on populism and anti-populism in the European Union. His work has been published in international journals such as Journalism Studies and Media, Culture & Society. Paolo Cossarini is Postdoctoral Researcher at the Department of Culture and Learning, Aalborg University, Denmark. His research focuses on populism and nationalism, Italian and Spanish politics, protest movements, and civil society organisations. He is co-editor of Populism and Passions. Democratic Legitimacy after Austerity (2019).

Recent years have seen a disturbing advance in populist and authoritarian styles of rule and, in response, a rise in popular activism. Strongmen, especially since the advent of fascism, have formed their base of power in popular acclaim. But what power do the people have in checking the rise of tyranny? In this book an international team of experts representing several academic disciplines examines the power relationship between peoples and their rulers. It is among the first to study this globally as a problem of nation states. From populism in 19th-century Latin America to eastern Europe since the collapse of communism, to the Arab Spring and contemporary Russia and China, the cases in this book span five continents and twelve nations. Taken together, they reveal how different forms of popular opposition have succeeded or failed in unseating authoritarian regimes and expose the tactics and strategies used by regimes to repress people power and create an image of popular support. Analysing the causes and consequence of the global advance of authoritarianism, The Power of Populism and the People offers a historical comparison of popular protest, opposition and crises over the last century to the recent rise of populist leaders.