Populist Constitutionalism And Illiberal Democracies

This book is a topical study of populist constitutionalism and illiberal democracies, exploring their roots in constitutional imagination as well as their normative entrenchment and performance in political reality. It provides insightful analysis of republican constitutionalism, focusing on the role of people in radical democracy and revolutionary constitutional reform. Furthermore, the outlook, adequacy and performance of constitutional principles in times of democratic ruptures are assessed. The contributors examine the rise of populist constitutionalism and the main trends that have led to the current, ongoing crises in liberal democracy. The book includes original analyses of populist constitutionalism from the viewpoint of emotions and constitutional imagination, as well as a special chapter devoted to the challenges posed to constitutional democracy by COVID-19. Combining theoretical contributions, comparative typologies and important case studies, the spread of populism and illiberal democracy in Europe is critically explored. Populist Constitutionalism and Illiberal Democracies is a timely contribution to the lively discussion surrounding constitutional law, comparative constitutional law, comparative constitutionalism and political science regarding the rise and spread of illiberal democracies, authoritarian political regimes and revolutionary, radical democratic and populist constitutionalism. With contributions by Martin Belov (University of Sofia 'St. Kliment Ohridski'), Agnieszka Bien-Kacala (Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun), Paul Blokker (University of Bologna), Monica Bonini (Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca), Carlo Alberto Ciaralli (University 'G. d'Annunzio' of Chieti-Pescara), Eoin Daly (National University of Ireland), Gianmario Demuro (University of Cagliari), Tímea Drinóczi (University of Pécs), Wojciech Engelking (University of Warsaw), Angela Di Gregorio (University of Milano), Marcin Kilanowski (Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun), Zoltán Pozsár-Szentmiklósy (ELTE Eötvös Loránd University), Przemyslaw Tacik (Jagiellonian University of Kraków), Anna Tarnowska (Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun), Zoltan J. Toth (Károli Gáspár University), Julia Wesolowska (Jagiellonian University of Kraków) and Wojciech Wloch (Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun).

This book theorizes illiberal constitutionalism by interrogation of the Rule of Law, democratic deterioration, and the misuse of the language and relativization of human rights protection, and its widespread emotional and value-oriented effect on the population. The work consists of seven Parts. Part I outlines the volume’s ambitions and provides an introduction. Part II discusses the theoretical framework and clarifies the terminology adopted in the book. Part III provides an in-depth insight into the constitutional identity of Poles and Hungarians and argues that an unbalanced constitutional identity has been moulded throughout Polish and Hungarian history in which emotional traits of collective victimhood and collective narcissism, and a longing for a charismatic leader have been evident. Part IV focuses on the emergence of illiberal constitutionalism, and, based on both quantitative and qualitative analyses, argues that illiberal constitutionalism is neither modern authoritarianism nor authoritarian constitutionalism. This Part contextualizes the issue by putting the deterioration of the Rule of Law into a European perspective. Part V explores the legal nature of illiberal legality when it is at odds and in compliance with the European Rule of Law, illiberal democracy, focusing on electoral democracy and legislative processes, and illiberalization of human rights. Part VI investigates whether there is a clear pattern in the methods of remodeling, or distancing from constitutional democracy, how it started, consolidated, and how its results are maintained. The final Part presents the author’s conclusions and looks to the future. The book will be an invaluable resource for scholars, academics and policy-makers interested in Constitutional Law and Politics.

The Routledge Handbook of IIliberalism is the first authoritative reference work dedicated to illiberalism as a complex social, political, cultural, legal, and mental phenomenon. Although illiberalism is most often discussed in political and constitutional terms, its study cannot be limited to such narrow frames. This Handbook comprises sixty individual chapters authored by an internationally recognized group of experts who present perspectives and viewpoints from a wide range of academic disciplines. Chapters are devoted to different facets of illiberalism, including the history of the idea and its competitors, its implications for the economy, society, government and the international order, and its contemporary iterations in representative countries and regions. The Routledge Handbook of IIliberalism will form an important component of any library's holding; it will be of benefit as an academic reference, as well as being an indispensable resource for practitioners, among them journalists, policy makers and analysts, who wish to gain an informed understanding of this complex phenomenon.

Self-described populist leaders around the world are dismantling their nation's constitutions. This has led to a widespread view that populism as such is inconsistent with constitutionalism. This book proposes that some forms of populism are inconsistent with constitutionalism, while others aren't. Context and detail matter. Power to the People offers a thin definition of constitutionalism that people from the progressive left to the conservative right should be able to agree on even if they would supplement the thin definition within other more partisan ideas. This is followed by a similarly basic definition of populism. Comparing the two, this book argues that one facet of populism -its suspicion of institutions that are strongly entrenched against change by political majorities-is sometimes inconsistent with constitutionalism's thinly understood definition. The book provides a series of case studies, some organized by nation, others by topic, to identify, more precisely, when and how populist programs are inconsistent with constitutionalism-and, importantly, when and how they are not. Concluding with a discussion of the possibilities for a deeper, populist democracy, the book examines recent challenges to the idea that democracy is a good form of government by exploring possibilities for new, albeit revisable, institutions that can determine and implement a majority's views without always threatening constitutionalism.

Introduction -- Populism : why and why now? -- Populism as mobilization and as a party -- Populist governments and their logic -- Populism and constitutionalism -- Alternatives to populism.

Liberal constitutionalism has come under sharp attack as globalization led to a confluence of huge disparities in wealth, identity-based alienation triggered by mass migration, and accompanying erosions of democracy. Liberal constitutionalism has also been challenged by illiberal populists who have adapted its framework to mask their aim to subvert its core values. These developments bring the nexus between the constitution and justice to the fore, and in particular that concerning distributive justice in its three dimensions of redistribution, recognition, and representation. The book provides a systematic account of the central role of distributive justice in the normative legitimation of liberal constitutions. Because what distributive justice requires is highly contested and constitutions are supposed to be susceptible of garnering a consensus among those they govern, constitutions only ought to guarantee essential but limited aspects of justice. Drawing on Rawls' insight that distributive justice calls for "constitutional essentials," the book advances the thesis that liberal constitutions must incorporate certain "justice essentials." The book is divided into three parts. Part I examines the combination of current legal, economic, political, and ideological developments that pose challenges to the normative viability of liberal constitutionalism. Part II offers a rereading of the relevant philosophical and jurisprudential literature that sheds crucial theoretical light on the relationship between constitution and justice. This rereading draws on key figures in both the analytic and the continental traditions. Finally, Part III makes the case for a thoroughly pluralistic approach being optimal in the quest for a constitution's justice essentials.

This book challenges the idea that the Rule of Law is still a universal European value given its relatively rapid deterioration in Hungary and Poland, and the apparent inability of the European institutions to adequately address the illiberalization of these Member States. The book begins from the general presumption that the Rule of Law, since its emergence, has been a universal European value, a political ideal and legal conception. It also acknowledges that the EU has been struggling in the area of value enforcement, even if the necessary mechanisms are available and, given an innovative outlook and more political commitment, could be successfully used. The authors appreciate the different approaches toward the Rule of Law, both as a concept and as a measurable indicator, and while addressing the core question of the volume, widely rely on them. Ultimately, the book provides a snapshot of how the Rule of Law ideal has been dismantled and offers a theory of the Rule of Law in illiberal constitutionalism. It discusses why voters keep illiberal populist leaders in power when they are undeniably acting contrary to the Rule of Law ideal. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers engaged with the foundational questions of constitutionalism. The structure and nature of the subject matter covered ensure that the book will be a useful addition for comparative and national constitutional law classes. It will also appeal to legal practitioners wondering about the boundaries of the Rule of Law.

There is widespread agreement that democracy today faces unprecedented challenges. Populism has pushed governments in new and surprising constitutional directions. Analysing the constitutional system of illiberal democracies (from Venezuela to Poland) and illiberal phenomena in 'mature democracies' that are justified in the name of 'the will of the people', this book explains that this drift to mild despotism is not authoritarianism, but an abuse of constitutionalism. Illiberal governments claim that they are as democratic and constitutional as any other. They also claim that they are more popular and therefore more genuine because their rule is based on conservative, plebeian and 'patriotic' constitutional and rule of law values rather than the values liberals espouse. However, this book shows that these claims are deeply deceptive - an abuse of constitutionalism and the rule of law, not a different conception of these ideas.