Progressivism And The New Democracy

A wide-ranging appraisal of the legacy of progressivism. The essays, written by a group of political scientists and historians, explore the impact of progressivism on domestic as well as foreign affairs, and on the theory as well as practice of American government and politics.

A wide-ranging appraisal of the legacy of progressivism. The essays, written by a group of political scientists and historians, explore the impact of progressivism on domestic as well as foreign affairs, and on the theory as well as practice of American government and politics.

The activist state of the New Deal started forming decades before the FDR administration, demonstrating the deep roots of energetic government in America. In the period between the Civil War and the New Deal, American governance was transformed, with momentous implications for social and economic life. A series of legal reforms gradually brought an end to nineteenth-century traditions of local self-government and associative citizenship, replacing them with positive statecraft: governmental activism intended to change how Americans lived and worked through legislation, regulation, and public administration. The last time American public life had been so thoroughly altered was in the late eighteenth century, at the founding and in the years immediately following. William J. Novak shows how Americans translated new conceptions of citizenship, social welfare, and economic democracy into demands for law and policy that delivered public services and vindicated peopleÕs rights. Over the course of decades, Americans progressively discarded earlier understandings of the reach and responsibilities of government and embraced the idea that legislators and administrators in Washington could tackle economic regulation and social-welfare problems. As citizens witnessed the successes of an energetic, interventionist state, they demanded more of the same, calling on politicians and civil servants to address unfair competition and labor exploitation, form public utilities, and reform police power. Arguing against the myth that America was a weak state until the New Deal, New Democracy traces a steadily aggrandizing authority well before the Roosevelt years. The United States was flexing power domestically and intervening on behalf of redistributive goals for far longer than is commonly recognized, putting the lie to libertarian claims that the New Deal was an aberration in American history.

When The New Democracy first appeared in 1912, it was widely regarded as one of the most influential works of the Progressive Era. Yet, despite continuing interest in the political thought of the Progressive Era, both Weyl and The New Democracy slipped into undeserved obscurity shortly after the author's death from cancer in 1919. Despite this, Weyl's book remains one of the most important links in the development of a liberal-progressive theory of democracy. Weyl describes the efforts of a plutocracy seeking to control, often by corrupt means, the federal government. He attacks the Founding Fathers' motives, and reads the Constitution as an anti-democratic document produced by aristocrats attempting to protect their own economic interests in troubled times. In contrast to many of his predecessors, Weyl rejects Natural Law and sees the distribution of wealth as the fundamental issue in political life. For Weyl, rights are not defined by Nature, but by human institutions that distribute wealth. He supported a stronger federal government, one that provides more rights and economic equality for the common citizen. In his opening essay for this new edition of The New Democracy, Sidney A. Pearson, Jr. painstakingly explores Weyl's life, influence, political philosophy, the origins of the book, and the author's subsequent descent into obscurity. This classic work will be of interest to students of political science, government, and American political theory.

A century ago, Americans launched a period of civic renewal and political reform. Today, amid deep dissatisfaction with our major institutions, there are signs that a new movement may revive the spirit of the original progressive era. Peter Levine draws inspiration from the great progressive leader Robert M. La Follete, Sr., and his circle, which included John Dewey, Jane Addams, and Louis Brandeis. He argues that their ideal of a fair and deliberative democracy is right for out time. Combining their philosophy and experience with the best contemporary proposals, Levine advocates campaign finance reform, an entirely different approach to regulation, new styles of journalism and civic education, and fundamental changes in the tax system. This book offers today's most comprehensive plan for civic renewal and political reform.

How and why did public opinion—long cherished as a foundation of democratic government—become an increasing source of concern for American Progressives? Following World War I, political commentator Walter Lippmann worried that citizens increasingly held inaccurate and misinformed beliefs because of the way information was produced, circulated, and received in a mass-mediated society. Lippmann dubbed this manipulative opinion-making process “the manufacture of consent.” A more familiar term for such large-scale persuasion would be propaganda. In Weapons of Democracy, Jonathan Auerbach explores how Lippmann’s stark critique gave voice to a set of misgivings that had troubled American social reformers since the late nineteenth century. Progressives, social scientists, and muckrakers initially drew on mass persuasion as part of the effort to mobilize sentiment for their own cherished reforms, including regulating monopolies, protecting consumers, and promoting disinterested, efficient government. “Propaganda” was associated with public education and consciousness raising for the good of the whole. By the second decade of the twentieth century, the need to muster support for American involvement in the Great War produced the Committee on Public Information, which zealously spread the gospel of American democracy abroad and worked to stifle dissent at home. After the war, public relations firms—which treated publicity as an end in itself—proliferated. Weapons of Democracy traces the fate of American public opinion in theory and practice from 1884 to 1934 and explains how propaganda continues to shape today’s public sphere. The book closely analyzes the work of prominent political leaders, journalists, intellectuals, novelists, and corporate publicists, including Woodrow Wilson, Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, George Creel, John Dewey, Julia Lathrop, Ivy Lee, and Edward Bernays. Truly interdisciplinary in both scope and method, this book will appeal to students and scholars in American studies, history, political theory, media and communications, and rhetoric and literary studies.

Excerpt from Progressive Democracy The best evidence of the power of progressivism is the effect which its advent has had upon the prestige and the fortunes of political leaders of both parties. For the first time attractions and repulsions born of the progressive idea, are determining lines of political association. Until recently a man who wished actively and effectively to par ticipate in political life had to be either a Democrat or a Republican; but now, although Republicanism and De mocracy are still powerful political forces, the standing of a politician is determined quite as much by his relation to the progressive movement. The line of cleavage between progressives and non-progressives is fully as important as that between Democrats and Republicans. Political leaders, who have deserved well of their own party but who have offended the progressives, are retiring or are being retired from public life. Precisely what the outcome will be, no one can predict with any confidence; but one result seems tolerably certain. If the classification of the great majority of American voters into Democrats and Repub licans is to endure, the significance of both Democracy and Republicanism is bound to be profoundly modified by the new loyalties and the new enmities created by the aggres sive progressive intruder. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.