Rebuilding Arab Defense

"A valuable contribution. . . clear, well-organized, and accessible."--David Des Roches, Middle East Journal Timely and informative." --Dr. Robert Mogielnicki, Parameters "A convincing analysis of the historical, political, and cultural factors impacting American attempts to assist Middle Eastern states in creating combat-capable military forces and supporting defense institutions." --Jeff Jager, Foreign Area Officer Association Journal of International Affairs "Well-written and impeccably researched, Rebuilding Arab Defense makes an invaluable contribution to scholarship and US policy on security sector assistance." --Daniel L. Byman, Georgetown University "Saab's expertise is truly impressive. He writes with clarity and conviction on a topic whose policy prominence and strategic significance are only going to increase." --Michael Nagata, US Army Lieutenant General (Ret.), former SOCCENT Commander "At a time when the US is looking to reduce its defense commitments in the Middle East, it has become vitally important to find better ways to help our allies there defend themselves. It is for this reason that Bilal Saab's terrific Rebuilding Arab Defense is so important. Saab lays out in clear, straightforward fashion what institutions are required, and how the US and our Arab allies can build them together."--Kenneth M. Pollack, American Enterprise Institute "Bilal Saab has written a sharp and comprehensive analysis of US military assistance programs in the Middle East. His advice is well worth heeding."--Anthony C. Zinni, US Marine Corps General (Ret.), former CENTCOM Commander "An excellent book.... Saab correctly diagnoses the problems of security cooperation on both our end and that of our Arab partners and provides bold yet applicable solutions."--James N. Mattis, US Marine Corps General (Ret.), former US Secretary of Defense "Rebuilding Arab Defense should be mandatory reading for Middle East security scholars and practitioners alike." --Joseph L. Votel, US Army General (Ret.), former CENTCOM Commander After decades of US military assistance in the Middle East--providing expensive weapons systems and conducting military exercises--why are the military capabilities of US allies in the region still lacking? Why does it matter? And what can be done to remedy the status quo? Bilal Saab addresses these vexing questions through a set of in-depth case studies. Identifying the pitfalls of diverse assistance programs, Saab convincingly demonstrates the importance of institution building in efforts to achieve effective security cooperation in a region that remains of great strategic significance. CONTENTS: The US-Arab Security Partnership. US Military Assistance: Old vs. New Model. Saudi Arabia: Rebuilding Everything. Jordan: Still Falling Short. Lebanon: Working Against All Odds. The United Arab Emirates: Breaking New Ground. Cultural and Structural Challenges. Achieving Security Cooperation.

Security Force Assistance becomes more and more important not only in the post-conflict reconstruction process, but also in a more general way in the foreign policy of the United States. Looking into the experience of both Iraq and Lebanon, this monograph offers useful insights for future military assistance programs and reconstruction efforts. While current assistance programs are certainly of high quality in technical terms, this publication sheds light on the equally important, yet often overlooked social dimension. Elements such as ethnic composition, exclusion of politically compromised personnel, the armed forces' image in society will determine the military's future success just as much as technical training. How to improve these aspects is explained in this analysis.

The Islamists Are Coming: Who They Really Are is the first book to survey the rise of Islamist groups in the wake of the Arab Spring. A wide range of experts from three continents cover the major countries where Islamist parties are redefining politics and the regional balance of power. They cover the origins, evolution, positions on key issues and the future in key countries. Robin Wright offers an overview, Olivier Roy explains how Islam and democracy are now interdependent, Annika Folkeson profiles the 50 Islamist parties, and 10 experts identify Islamists in Algeria, Egypt (two), Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, the Palestinian territories, Syria, and Tunisia.

A combination of poor planning, weak oversight and greed cheated U.S. taxpayers and undermined American forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. U.S. taxpayers have paid nearly $51 billion for projects in Iraq, including training the Iraqi army and police and rebuilding Iraq's oil, electric, justice, health and transportation sectors. Many of the projects did not succeed, partly because of violence in Iraq and friction between U.S. officials in Washington and Iraqi officials in Baghdad. The U.S. gov¿t. "was neither prepared for nor able to respond quickly to the ever-changing demands" of stabilizing Iraq and then rebuilding it. This report reviews the problems in the war effort, which the Bush admin. claimed would cost $2.4 billion. Charts and tables.

Noyes var Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Near Eastern, African and South Asian Affairs fra 1970 til 1976. Forord af William J. Porter, tidligere Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs og tidligere ambassadør i Saudi Arabien og Algeriet.

It's time for new policies based on changing U.S. interests U.S. policy in the Middle East has had very few successes in recent years, so maybe it's time for a different approach. But is the new approach of the Trump administration—military disengagement coupled with unquestioning support for key allies--Israel, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia—the way forward? In this edited volume, noted experts on the region lay out a better long-term strategy for protecting U.S. interests in the Middle East. The authors articulate a vision that is both self-interested and carefully tailored to the unique dynamics of the increasingly divergent sub-regions in the Middle East, including North Africa, the Sunni Arab bloc of Egypt and Persian Gulf states, and the increasingly chaotic Levant. The book argues that the most effective way to pursue and protect U.S. interests is unlikely to involve the same alliance-centric approach that has been the basis of Washington's policy since the 1990s. Instead, the United States should adopt a nimbler and less military-dominant strategy that relies on a diversified set of partners and a determination to establish priorities for American interests and the use of resources, both financial and military. In essence, the book calls for a new post-Obama and post-Trump approach to the region that reflects the fact that U.S. interests are changing and likely will continue to change. The book offers a fresh perspective in advance of the 2020 presidential election.