Religion And Nationalism In Iraq

This volume provides a comparative consideration of attempts to manage and resolve nationalist conflicts in Bosnia, Sri Lanka, and Sudan--with two prominent thinkers examining each case--and examines how lessons from those situations might inform similar efforts in Iraq.

The Middle East is a complex region where religion, culture and politi are deeply intertwined in a powerful relationship. From the early days of the Arab nationalist experiment to the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism in the early part of this century and beyond, the region's political movements have become a salient feature of its modern history and continue to be the subject of much heated debate and speculation. This collection of essays addresses these timely issues by providing both a general analysis of the region and more focused country-by-country examples. Among the many themes, nationalism and Islamism are re-examined to demonstrate their ongoing relevance and relationship to the presentday Arab context and identity. This is followed by a closer look at Islamist movements in Turkey, Iran, and Tunisia and how these forces may either come to erode the secular state (in the case of Turkey and Tunisia) or bolster the Islamic one (in the case of Iran). The author also examines the fate of the eight remaining monarchies of the Arab world and the conditions of their emergence, consolidation and continuation. By means of a thorough analysis of these important themes, along with country-specific case studies, the author provides a wealth of information that helps towards a comprehensive understanding of the region. 'An absorbing collection of essays ... Halliday's range allows him to make many penetrating cross-cultural comparisons.' New Statesman 'Nation and Religion in the Middle East provides a wealth of information that helps towards a comprehensive understanding of the region.' The Middle East 'A formidable collection.' Times Literary Supplement 'Halliday has proven one of the most wide-ranging and sophisticated analysts of the Middle East, and this collection of essays shows both those traits.' CHOICE

Exploring a new political phenomenon in the Middle East, this book studies the reconciliation of nationalism and Islamism by Islamic political parties in the context of nation states. Islamism in Kurdistan has become significantly framed by the politics of nationalism. Although the concept of religious nationalism has been discussed substantially before, this work highlights a new brand of religious nationalism that has emerged as a result of intertwining nationalism and Islamism. The focus of this study is on the development of religious nationalism in the continuously tumultuous region of the Middle East. The volume investigates whether Islamism in Kurdistan is limited by the politics of nationalism – which is an accentuated example for the whole Middle East region. By looking at the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), the research studies Islamism in the Kurdistan Region to elaborate on this new type of politics. This is essentially due to the absence of a politically recognised nation state, which renders Kurds to be particularly susceptible to various manifestations of nationalism. Offering an account on the spread of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Kurdistan Region, this original research on Kurdish nationalism will be a key text for students and researchers interested in nationalism, Islamism and Middle East politics.

Politisch begründete religiöse Gewalt war und ist seit der Antike eine gängige Praxis: Die Gräueltaten des Römischen Reiches gegenüber frühchristlichen Gemeinschaften wurden schnell durch nicht minder aggressive Handlungen gegenüber nicht-christlichen Gläubigen ersetzt, denen abscheuliche und polytheistische Praktiken vorgeworfen wurden. Mit dem Aufkommen der Moderne hat die Homogenisierung der religiösen Sphäre für politisch-ökonomische Zwecke, die Vernichtung jeder Form von Häresie und die Ausbreitung des Protestantismus, des Calvinismus und des Anglikanismus eine Umstrukturierung und Konzeptualisierung der westeuropäischen Staaten bewirkt, ganz nach der Devise „ein Königreich, mit einer Religion und einer Nation“. Das Ende der Religionskriege (1648), die Westfälische Souveränität und der cuius regio, eius religio hatten Einfluss auf die Bildung des modernen Europa und anderer Regionen, der französisch-britische Kolonialismus zwang dabei dem gesamten Nahen Osten und der islamischen Welt das gleiche System auf. Der vorliegende Band widmet sich der Untersuchung von interreligiöser Gewalt, religiösem Sektierertum und Islamophobie auf theoretischer Basis, verbunden mit dem „Kampf der Kulturen“ und dem „Religiösen Nationalismus“, als Ausdrücken präziser politischer Ziele, mit denen die Erhaltung der Fragmentierung und der kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen im Osten sowie das Schüren von Ängsten und Vorurteilen im Westen verfolgt werden. Religious violence due to political reasons has been a common practice since ancient times: The massacres of early Christian communities, carried out by the Roman Empire, were rapidly replaced by equally harsh measures against non-Christian believers, being accused of abominable and polytheistic practises. The advent of the modern age, the homogenization of the religious sphere for political-economic ends, the annihilation of any kind of heresy and the emergence of Protestantism, Calvinism and Anglicanism restructured the conceptualization of the Western European States emphasizing the adage “one kingdom, with one religion and one nation”. The end of the religious wars (1648), the Westphalian sovereignty and the cuius regio, eius religio had an impact on the formation of Europe and other regions, the Franco-British colonialism imposed the same system on the entire Middle Eastern and Islamic World. This volume thoroughly examines the usage of inter-religious violence, religious sectarianism and Islamophobia on a theoretical basis, linked with “Clashes of Civilizations” and “Religious Nationalism”, and describes them as manifestations of precise political ends, aiming to preserve fragmentation and warlike states in the East as well as fear and prejudices in the West.

Samuel Helfont draws on extensive research with Ba'thist archives to investigate the roots of the religious insurgencies that erupted in Iraq following the American-led invasion in 2003. In looking at Saddam Hussein's policies in the 1990s, many have interpreted his support for state-sponsored religion as evidence of a dramatic shift away from Arab nationalism toward political Islam. While Islam did play a greater role in the regime's symbols and Saddam's statements in the 1990s than it had in earlier decades, the regime's internal documents challenge this theory. The "Faith Campaign" Saddam launched during this period was the culmination of a plan to use religion for political ends, begun upon his assumption of the Iraqi presidency in 1979. At this time, Saddam began constructing the institutional capacity to control and monitor Iraqi religious institutions. The resulting authoritarian structures allowed him to employ Islamic symbols and rhetoric in public policy, but in a controlled manner. Saddam ultimately promoted a Ba'thist interpretation of religion that subordinated it to Arab nationalism, rather than depicting it as an independent or primary political identity. The point of this examination of Iraqi history, other than to correct the current understanding of Saddam Hussein's political use of religion throughout his presidency, is to examine how Saddam's controlled use of religion was dismantled during the US-Iraq war, and consequently set free extremists that were suppressed under his regime. When the American-led invasion destroyed the regime's authoritarian structures, it unwittingly unhinged the forces that these structures were designed to contain, creating an atmosphere infused with religion, but lacking the checks provided by the former regime. Groups such as the Sadrists, al-Qaida, and eventually the Islamic State emerged out of this context to unleash the insurgencies that have plagued post-2003 Iraq.

The author addresses the critical questions involved in understanding the background of Iraqi national identity and the ways in which it may evolve in the future to either the favor or detriment of the United States. He pays particular attention to the issue of Iraqi sectarianism and the emerging role of the Shi'ite Muslims, noting the power of an emerging but fractionalized clergy. This report includes policy recommendations for U.S. military and civilian decision makers that helps to illuminate the complex subjects of Iraqi nationalism and sectarianism and their relevance to the U.S. presence in Iraq.