Resistance Power And Conceptions Of Political Order In Islamist Organizations

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of Islamist organizations' conceptions of political order based on a comparative case study of the Shiite Lebanese Hezbollah and the Sunni Palestinian Hamas. Connecting Islamism research, Critical Constructivist norm research, and resistance studies from the field of International Relations Theory, it demonstrates that resistance constitutes both organizations' core norm and is relevant for their conceptions of political order. Based on primary Arabic data the book illustrates that the core norm of resistance, deeply intertwined with both organizations' interactions towards power preservation and the specific political context they are engaged in, characterizes Hezbollah's and Hamas' respective conceptions of political order and explains the differences between them. In contrast to common perceptions presented in research, politics, and the media, the book shows that in the case of both Hezbollah and Hamas the religious orientation, i.e. Shiite and Sunni Islamist political thought, plays a secondary role only when it comes to explaining Islamist organizations' political orientation. Bringing new insights from cases that lie beyond the Western liberal world order into Critical Constructivist norm research and resistance studies, the book establishes a theoretical framework that enables scholars to comprehensively analyze Islamist organizations' political orientation in different cases without being caught in limited analytical categories. It will be of interest to students and scholars of International Relations Theory, Middle East Studies, and Global Governance.

This book is an accessible and comprehensive account of political Islam in the contemporary world. Providing a broad introduction to all major aspects of the interface of Islam and politics it combines an accessible style with sufficient depth for the academic classroom. Drawing on insights from comparative politics and Islamic studies, this book explains the complex interaction between Islam, society, the state, and processes of globalization. Preserving the previous editions’ strong focus on key concepts from Islamic history as they relate to contemporary political Islam, this new edition includes coverage of important developments and updated country overviews from the Middle East, Central and South Asia, Southeast Asia, Europe and North America. Features include: Two new case studies on Southeast Asia and Europe. Exploration of the origins and development of ISIS, Al-Qaeda and various regional affiliates of the global Salafi-Jihadi movement. Coverage of contemporary debates about radicalization and violent extremism. Examination of questions of Islam’s compatibility with democracy; the role of women; and Islamic perspectives on violence and conflict. Discussion of major theoretical debates in the literature on political Islam, the debate on Islamic exceptionalism and whether Islamist politics can be understood using the conventional tools of comparative political science and International Relations. These updates ensure the book remains the single best introduction to the topic of political Islam for students and scholars, foreign policy professionals and the general reader.

What were the calculations made by the US and its major allies in the 1960s when they faced the signing of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)? These were all states with the technological and financial capabilities to develop and possess nuclear weapons should they wish to do so. In the end, only the United Kingdom and France became nuclear weapon states. Eventually, all of them joined the non-proliferation regime. Leading American, British, Canadian, French, German and Japanese scholars consider key questions that faced the signatories to the NPT: How imperative was nuclear deterrence in facing the perceived threat to their country? How reliable did they think the US extended deterrence was, and how costly would an independent deterrent be both financially and politically? Was there a regional option? How much future was there in the civilian nuclear energy sector for their country and what role would the NPT play in this area? What capabilities needed to be preserved for the country’s future and how could this be made compatible with the NPT? What were the determining factors of deciding whether to join the NPT?

International institutions and agencies from the Global North are no longer the sole initiators of development norms and best practices. The proliferation of exports and imports of social, economic and policy management models have called for a rethinking of South-South relations. To date, most studies have focused on the drivers and strategies of international initiatives made by emerging powers; none have analysed the impact of these initiatives on the receiving country’s institutions, and on the structures of international organisations. In this book, Carolina Milhorance examines the content, process and consequences of the internationalisation of Brazil’s rural public policy instruments. Brazil earned wide international recognition in the early 2000s for its agricultural modernization and social policies; its increasing influence illustrated the specific political interests of coalitions that are embedded in domestic and international struggles. Drawing on extensive field research -- including more than 280 interviews -- conducted in Brazil, Mozambique, South Africa, Malawi, France and Italy, Milhorance analyses the effects of the internationalisation of Brazilian policy solutions on national and local political systems in recipient countries, highlighting specifically the case of Mozambique. Relying on a new theoretical approach to International Relations -- one based on public policy analysis and international political sociology -- she moves beyond a debate about conventional notions of international power. New Geographies of Global Policy-Making will be interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, public policy analysis, political sociology, comparative politics, and Latin American studies.

This volume offers the first systematic account of how education and science have become sources of power for the states in international relations and what factors have effected this development. Drawing together extensive empirical data on the USA, the EU, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and China, Wojciuk explores the factors and mechanisms through which education and science translate into the international position of different states, highlighting how they continue to contribute to the reproduction of the centre-periphery system in global politics. Written in an accessible style, the author argues that these factors increase the likelihood of success for states in international relations, even if in themselves, they cannot guarantee it. Specifying the ways in which education and science contribute to the power of a state in international relations, Wojciuk focuses on mechanisms involved in state-building processes and economic development, and invokes cases of successful competitive strategies involving education and science. This work will be of interest to scholars in a wide range of subjects including education research, international relations and international political economy.

NATO, an organisation brought together to function as an anti-communist alliance, faced existential questions after the unexpected collapse of the USSR at the beginning of the 1990s. Intervention in the conflict in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995 gave it a renewed sense of purpose and a redefining of its core mission. Abe argues that an impetus for this change was the norm dilemma that the conflict in Bosnia represented. On the one hand a state which oversaw the massacre of its civilians was in breach of international norms, but on the other hand intervention by outside states would breach the norms of sovereign integrity and non-use of force. NATO, as an international governance organisation, thus became a vehicle for avoiding this kind of dilemma. A detailed case study of NATO during the Bosnian war, this book explores how the differing views and preferences among the Western states on the intervention in Bosnia were reconciled as they agreed on the outline of NATO’s reform. It examines detailed decision-making processes in Britain, France, Germany and the USA. In particular Abe analyses why conflicting norms led to an emphasis on conflict prevention capacity, rather than simply on armed intervention capacity.

The world continues to be threatened by non-state, religiously-rationalized violence. While some fail to the see the connections between the United States’ intervention in the Middle East and this ongoing threat, the non-state perpetrators of terror consistently identify American meddling as one of their principle motivating grievances. What are the social and cultural roots of different religious positions on the war in Iraq? Christianity and American State Violence in Iraq returns to a critical moment in U.S. foreign policy, during which American Christians publicly debated war in Iraq. It examines the religious precepts that were used to argue both for and against the United States’ military engagement in Iraq. To capture this behavior, Christopher A. Morrissey delves into the distinct social and cultural origins of both war-supporting and war-challenging positions. His analysis represents an improved understanding of the public role of religion in important foreign policy debates and helps us better understand how religious culture can legitimate or challenge state violence. An original and timely resource on the social sources of religion’s ambivalence towards violence and peace in the US and abroad.

For years, scholars hypothesized about what Islamists might do if they ever came to power. Now, they have answers: confusing ones. In the Levant, ISIS established a government by brute force, implementing an extreme interpretation of Islamic law. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Tunisia's Ennahda Party governed in coalition with two secular parties, ratified a liberal constitution, and voluntarily stepped down from power. In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood, the world's oldest Islamist movement, won power through free elections only to be ousted by a military coup. The strikingly disparate results of Islamist movements have challenged conventional wisdom on political Islam, forcing experts and Islamists to rethink some of their most basic assumptions. In Rethinking Political Islam, two of the leading scholars on Islamism, Shadi Hamid and William McCants, have gathered a group of leading specialists in the field to explain how an array of Islamist movements across the Middle East and Asia have responded. Unlike ISIS and other jihadist groups that garner the most media attention, these movements have largely opted for gradual change. Their choices, however, have been reshaped by the revolutionary politics of the region. The groups depicted in the volume capture the contradictions, successes, and failures of Islamism, providing a fascinating window into a rapidly changing Middle East. It is the first book to systematically assess the evolution of mainstream Islamist groups since the Arab uprisings and the rise of ISIS, covering 12 country cases. In each instance, contributors address key questions, including: gradual versus revolutionary approaches to change; the use of tactical or situational violence; attitudes toward the nation-state; and how ideology, religion, and political variables interact. For the first time in book form, readers will also hear directly from Islamist activists and leaders themselves, as they offer their own perspectives on the future of their movements. Islamists will have the opportunity to challenge the assumptions and arguments of some of the leading scholars of Islamism, in the spirit of constructive dialogue. Rethinking Political Islam includes three of the most important country cases outside the Middle East-Indonesia, Malaysia, and Pakistan-allowing readers to consider a greater diversity of Islamist experiences. The book's contributors have immersed themselves in the world of political Islam and conducted original research in the field, resulting in rich accounts of what animates Islamist behavior.