Resurgent Resource Nationalism

The period between 2001 and 2008 saw the longest commodities boom in recent history. Resource-rich countries across the world developed more interest in the profits, control and ownership of their natural resources. South Africa, which did not benefit much from the boom in commodity prices, wasnonetheless affected by the emergent resource nationalism trend, and it became the focus of the governing party’s 2010 National General Council, which ultimately resulted in the constitution of a committee to review the country’s policy and legislative framework regarding ‘natural wealth beneaththe soil’. Although the resurgence of resource nationalism is a recent phenomenon, the idea of state intervention in the economy, and the extractive sector in particular, is not new. Resurgent Resource Nationalism is a qualitative study, undertaken by MISTRA for SASOL Ltd, that looks atthe resurgence of resource nationalism over the past ten years. It discusses the concept of resource nationalism and its manifestation in public policy. It identifies the concerns, drivers and instruments through which resource nationalism is pursued by various mining jurisdictions across regions. Itdeliberately focuses more on the hydrocarbons sector in order to suit the target audience. The aim is to observe macro-trends emerging in various regions of the world and explore how best private actors can respond to the various forms of resource nationalism.

It is widely thought that state ownership of natural resources, oil and natural gas in particular, causes countries to fall under the sway of the “resource curse.” In such cases, governments allegedly display “resource nationalism,” which destabilizes the economy, society, and politics. In this book, David R. Mares dispels these beliefs and develops a powerful new account of the relationship between state resource ownership and energy policy. Mares examines variations in energy policy across a wide range of countries, underscoring the fact that in most of the world outside the United States, subsoil natural resources are owned by the state. He considers the history of Latin American oil and gas policies and provides an in-depth analysis of Venezuela from 1989 to 2016—before, during, and after the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Mares demonstrates that the key factors that influence energy policy are the inclusiveness of the political system, the level of competitiveness within policy making, and the characteristics of individual leaders. Domestic politics, not state ownership, determines the effectiveness and efficiency of energy policies: the “resource curse” is avoidable. Drawing on these findings, Mares reconceptualizes resource nationalism, arguing that government intervention into resource extraction is legitimate as long as the benefits are shared through the provision of public goods. Featuring a sophisticated grasp of both Latin American politics and energy policy, this book sheds new light on why some governments are responsible stewards of natural resources while others appropriate national wealth for partisan or private benefit.

There is no question that Africa is endowed with abundant natural resources of different magnitudes. However, more than a decade of high commodity prices and new hydrocarbon discoveries across the continent has led countless international organizations, donor agencies, and non-governmental organizations to devote considerable attention to the potential of natural resource–based development. Natural Resource–Based Development in Africa places a particular emphasis on the actors that help us understand the extent to which resources could be transformed into broader developmental outcomes. Based on a wide variety of primary sources and fieldwork, including in-person interviews and participant observations, this collection contributes to both scholarly and policy discussions around the governance and economic development roles of local entrepreneurs, transnational firms, civil society groups, local communities, and government agencies in Africa’s natural resource sectors. Natural Resource–Based Development in Africa explores the impact that these actors have on regional trends such as resource nationalism and local procurement policies as well as grassroots-related issues such as poverty, livelihoods, gender equity, development, and human security.

This book provides a concise, critical analysis of the key themes, theories, and controversies in nationalism studies. It offers an historically informed and sophisticated overview of classical and contemporary approaches to nationalism, as well as setting out an agenda for future research on nationalism and the emotions. In so doing, the book illuminates nationalism’s contemporary power and resilience, as manifested in the growth of far-right nationalist populism in Europe, the white ethno-nationalism of Trump in the United States, the resurgence of great power nationalism and rivalry in Asia, and the resilience of national secessionist movements in diverse parts of the planet. The widespread nationalistic responses to the coronavirus pandemic provide further confirmation of the continuing power of nationalism. All of these developments are discussed in the book, which will be an invaluable resource for nationalism scholars and students in Sociology, Politics and History.

Disputes in the energy and natural resources sector are at the heart of international arbitration. With more arbitrations arising in the international energy sector than in any other sector, it is not surprising that the highest valued awards in the history of arbitration come from energy-related arbitrations. Energy disputes often involve complex and controversial issues relating to security, sovereignty, and public welfare. International Arbitration in the Energy Sector puts international energy disputes into a global context, providing broad coverage of different forms and systems of dispute resolution across both renewable and non-renewable sectors. With contributions from leading practitioners, arbitrators, academics, and industry experts from across the globe, the eighteen chapters in the book enable readers to compare the approaches to, and learnings from, energy arbitrations across various legal systems and geographic regions. After outlining the international energy arbitration legal framework, the text delves into a detailed analysis of the problems which regularly arise in practice. These include, among other things, commercial disputes in Part I (e.g. over the upstream oil sector and long-term gas supply contracts), investor-state disputes in Part II (e.g. under the Energy Charter Treaty), and public international law disputes in Part III (e.g. concerning international boundaries and the distribution of natural resources). Alongside recent developments in the international energy sector, attention is given to climate and sustainable development disputes, which raise important questions about enforcing sustainability objectives on individuals, corporations, and states. Backed by analyses of arbitral awards, national court and international tribunal decisions, treaties, and other international legal instruments, as well as current events and news in the energy industry, this text offers a unique contribution to international energy literature and provides insightful commentary on the prevalent issues in the field. It is essential reading for any practitioner or researcher in the energy and natural resources sector.

The Political Economy of Resources and Development offers a unique and multidisciplinary perspective on how the commodity boom of the mid-2000s reshaped the model of development throughout Latin America and elsewhere in the developing world. Governments increased taxes and royalties on the resource sector, the nationalization of foreign firms returned to the mainstream economic policy agenda, and public spending on social and developmental goals surged. These trends, often described as resource nationalism, have developed into a strategy for economic development, generated a re-imagining of the state and its institutional possibilities, and created a new but very significant political risk for extractive enterprises. However, these innovations, which constitute the most dramatic change in development policy in Latin America since the advent of neoliberalism, have so far received little attention from either academic or policy-oriented publications. This book explores the reasons behind these policies, and their effects on states, firms, and development trajectories. This text brings together renowned thematic experts to examine the political-economic causes of resource nationalism, as well as its manifestation in six Latin American countries. The causal variables considered by the contributors to this collection include a range of political-economic determinants of policy including commodity prices; the influence of ideology and national politics; ideas about industrial policy; relations between host governments and investors; and how countries respond to opportunities provided by regional initiatives and the new geography of the global economy. This volume is essential reading in development economics, political economy, and Latin American studies, as well as for those who want to understand what economic development means after neoliberalism.

In Resource Nationalism in Indonesia, Eve Warburton traces nationalist policy trajectories in Indonesia back to the preferences of big local business interests. Commodity booms often prompt more nationalist policy styles in resource-rich countries. Usually, this nationalist push weakens once a boom is over. But in Indonesia, a major global exporter of coal, palm oil, nickel, and other minerals, the intensity of nationalist policy interventions increased after the early twenty-first-century commodity boom came to an end. Equally puzzling, the state applied nationalist policies unevenly across the land and resource sectors. Resource Nationalism in Indonesia explains these trends by examining the economic and political benefits that accrue to domestic business actors when commodity prices soar. Warburton shows how the centrality of patronage to Indonesia's democratic political economy, and the growing importance of mining and palm oil as drivers of export earnings, enhanced both the instrumental and structural power of major domestic companies, giving them new influence over the direction of nationalist change.

In the nineteen 60s and 70s, the University of Dar es salaam was recognised internationally as a great academic institution, and the site of anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist, socialist studies and activism. With the onslaught of neo-liberalism beginning with Structural Adjustment Programmes in Tanzania in the mid 80s, the university was one of its prime targets; subjected to numerous pressures designed to extinguish the flames of revolutionary scholarship and activism. The establishment in 2008 of the Mwalimu Nyerere Chair on Pan - Africanism with Professor Issa Shivji as its first Chairman, and the annual Distinguished Nyerere Lectures Series inaugurating annual intellectual festivals was, in Professor Shivji's introduction to this volume of collected lectures, "the resurrection of radical Pan-Africanism at the University of Dar es salaam." The impact of the festivals and the lectures went well beyond the university community, as substantial number of the participants at these lectures and debates were citizen intellectuals, not part of the university community. The calibre of the distinguished lecturers speaks for itself; there could be no better representation of progressive African intellectuals honouring the legacy of Mwalimu Nyerere, than Professors Wole Soyinka, Samir Amin, Bereket Habte Selassie, Micere Githae Mugo and Thandika Mkandawire whose lectures are published in this book.