Russia S Geoeconomic Strategy For A Greater Eurasia

Moscow has progressively replaced geopolitics with geoeconomics as power is recognised to derive from the state’s ability to establish a privileged position in strategic markets and transportation corridors. The objective is to bridge the vast Eurasian continent to reposition Russia from the periphery of Europe and Asia to the centre of a new constellation. Moscow’s ‘Greater Europe’ ambition of the previous decades produced a failed Western-centric foreign policy culminating in excessive dependence on the West. Instead of constructing Gorbachev’s ‘Common European Home’, the ‘leaning-to-one-side’ approach deprived Russia of the market value and leverage needed to negotiate a more favourable and inclusive Europe. Eurasian integration offers Russia the opportunity to address this ‘overreliance’ on the West by using the Russia’s position as a Eurasian state to advance its influence in Europe. Offering an account steeped in Russian economic statecraft and power politics, this book offers a rare glimpse into the dominant narratives of Russian strategic culture. It explains how the country’s outlook adjusts to the ongoing realignment towards Asia while engaging in a parallel assessment of Russia’s interactions with other significant actors. The author offers discussion both on Russian responses and adaptations to the current power transition and the ways in which the economic initiatives promoted by Moscow in its project for a ‘Greater Eurasia’ reflect the entrepreneurial foreign policy strategy of the country.

Will the increased economic connectivity across the Eurasian supercontinent transform Europe into the western peninsula of Greater Eurasia? The unipolar era entailed the US organising the two other major economic regions of the world, Europe and Asia, under US leadership. The rise of “the rest”, primarily Asia with China at the centre, has ended the unipolar era and even 500-years of Western dominance. China and Russia are leading efforts to integrate Europe and Asia into one large region. The Greater Eurasian region is constructed with three categories of economic connectivity – strategic industries built on new and disruptive technologies; physical connectivity with bimodal transportation corridors; and financial connectivity with new development banks, trading currencies and payments systems. China strives for geoeconomic leadership by replacing the US leadership position, while Russia endeavours to reposition itself from the dual periphery of Europe and Asia to the centre of a grand Eurasian geoeconomic constellation. Europe, positioned between the trans-Atlantic region and Greater Eurasia, has to adapt to the new international distribution of power to preserve its strategic autonomy.

Die EU befindet sich in einer Krise, die durch Umbrüche in den internationalen Beziehungen verschärft wird. Wie die Konflikte in der Ukraine und in Syrien zeigen, läuft sie Gefahr, zum Spielball geopolitischer Auseinandersetzungen zwischen den USA und Russland zu werden. Die EU muss zu einer ausgewogenen und selbstbewussten Politik finden, will sie ein wichtiger Akteur sein. Dabei bietet eine Verbindung der Konzeptionen von Kerneuropa und Greater Eurasia Chancen für den Abbau politischer Spannungen sowie zu einer Rückbesinnung auf eine interessengeleitete Russlandpolitik der EU und ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten. Diesem Ziel würde ein gesamteuropäischer Wirtschaftsraum dienen, der auf den Säulen von Energie- und Transportinfrastruktur beruhen könnte.

This book defines Eurasianism, a political idea with a long tradition, for a new century. Historically, Eurasia was depicted as a "third continent" with a geographical and historical space distinctively different from both Europe and Asia. Today, the concept is mobilized by the Russian foreign policy elite to imagine a close relationship with China and indirectly inspires the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. This book is of interest to scholars of Russian and Chinese foreign policy, to economists, and to scholars of political thought. Glenn Diesen is Professor at the University of South-Eastern Norway (USN). His research focus is Russia's Greater Eurasia Initiative as a geoeconomic and conservative concept. Diesen's latest books are EU and NATO relations with Russia: After the collapse of the Soviet Union (2015); Russia's Geoeconomic Strategy for a Greater Eurasia (2017); The Decay of Western Civilisation and Resurgence of Russia: Between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (2018); Russia in a Changing World (2020); Russian Conservatism: Managing Change under Permanent Revolution (2021); and Great Power Politics in the Fourth Industrial Revolution: The Geoeconomics of Technological Sovereignty (2021). Alexander Lukin is Head of Department of International Relations and International Laboratory on World Order Studies and the New Regionalism at National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE University). He is the author of The Political Culture of the Russian Democrats (Oxford University Press, 2000), The Bear Watches the Dragon: Russia's Perceptions of China and the Evolution of Russian-Chinese Relations since the Eighteenth Century (M.E.Sharpe, 2003), Grasping Russia with your Mind (with Pavel Lukin, Ves' Mir, 2015, in Russian), Pivot to Asia: Russia's Foreign Policy Enters the 21st Century (Vij Books India, 2016), China and Russia: The New Rapprochement (Polity, 2018), Russia: A Thorny Transition from Communism (Vij Books India, 2019), as well as numerous articles and policy papers on international relations, Russian and Chinese politics.

What explains the rise of populist movements across the West and their affinity towards Russia? UKIP’s Brexit victory, Trump’s triumph, and the successive elections and referendums in Europe were united by a repudiation of the liberal international order. These new political forces envision the struggle to reproduce and advance Western civilisation to be fought along a patriotism–cosmopolitanism or nationalism–globalism battlefield, in which Russia becomes a partner rather than an adversary. Armed with neomodernism and geoeconomics, Russia has inadvertently taken on a central role in the decay of Western civilisation. This book explores the cooperation and competition between Western and Russian civilisation and the rise of anti-establishment political forces both contesting the international liberal order and expressing the desire for closer relations with Russia. Diesen proposes that Western civilisation has reached a critical juncture as modern society (gesellschaft) has overwhelmed and exhausted the traditional community (gemeinschaft) and shows the causes for the decay of Western civilisation and the subsequent impact on cooperation and conflict with Russia. The author also considers whether Russia’s international conservativism is authentic and can negate the West’s decadence, or if it is merely a shrewd strategy by a rival civilisation also in decay. This volume will be of interest to scholars of international relations, political science, security studies, international political economy, and Russian studies.

Why and how will the fourth industrial revolution impact great power politics? Here, Glenn Diesen utilizes a neoclassical approach to great power politics to assess how far the development of AI, national and localized technological ecosystems and cyber-warfare will affect great power politics in the next century. The reliance of modern economies on technological advances, Diesen argues, also compels states to intervene radically in economics and the lives of citizens, as automation radically alters the economies of tomorrow. A groundbreaking attempt to contextualize the fourth industrial revolution, and analyse its effects on politics and international relations.

This book defines Eurasianism, a political idea with a long tradition, for a new century. Historically, Eurasia was depicted as a “third continent” with a geographical and historical space distinctively different from both Europe and Asia. Today, the concept is mobilized by the Russian foreign policy elite to imagine a close relationship with China and indirectly inspires the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. A Russian-Chinese partnership forms the core of a new Eurasian region, yet Turkey, India, Hungary, Central Asia and the other parts of the supercontinent are also embracing Eurasian concepts. This book is of interest to scholars of Russian and Chinese foreign policy, to economists, and to scholars of political thought.

9 Europe at the periphery of Greater Eurasia -- The geoeconomic ascendance of the EU -- The EU's geoeconomic decline -- The failing geoeconomics of wider Europe -- EU bargaining power in Greater Eurasia -- 10 Conclusion: Towards a new Russian grand strategy -- Bibliography -- Index.