The Contras War

The Contra War and the Iran-Contra affair that shook the Reagan presidency were center stage on the U.S. political scene for nearly a decade. According to most observers, the main Contra army, or the Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense (FDN), was a mercenary force hired by the CIA to oppose the Sandinista socialist revolution. The Real Contra War demonstrates that in reality the vast majority of the FDN’s combatants were peasants who had the full support of a mass popular movement consisting of the tough, independent inhabitants of Nicaragua’s central highlands. The movement was merely the most recent instance of this peasantry’s one-thousand-year history of resistance to those they saw as would-be conquerors. The real Contra War struck root in 1979, even before the Sandinistas took power and, during the next two years, grew swiftly as a reaction both to revolutionary expropriations of small farms and to the physical abuse of all who resisted. Only in 1982 did an offer of American arms persuade these highlanders to forge an alliance with former Guardia anti-Sandinista exiles--those the outside world called Contras. Relying on original documents, interviews with veterans, and other primary sources, Brown contradicts conventional wisdom about the Contras, debunking most of what has been written about the movement’s leaders, origins, aims, and foreign support.

Human rights activist and historian Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz has been described as “a force of nature on the page and off.” That force is fully present in Blood on the Border, the third in her acclaimed series of memoirs. Seamlessly blending the personal and the political, Blood on the Border is Dunbar-Ortiz’s firsthand account of the decade-long dirty war pursued by the Contras and the United States against the people of Nicaragua. With the 1981 bombing of a Nicaraguan plane in Mexico City—a plane Dunbar-Ortiz herself would have been on if not for a delay—the US-backed Contras (short for los contrarrevolucionarios) launched a major offensive against Nicaragua’s Sandinista regime, which the Reagan administration labeled as communist. While her rich political analysis of the US-Nicaraguan relationship bears the mark of a trained historian, Dunbar-Ortiz also writes from her perspective as an intrepid activist who spent months at a time throughout the 1980s in the war-torn country, especially in the remote northeastern region, where the Indigenous Miskitu people were relentlessly assailed and nearly wiped out by CIA-trained Contra mercenaries. She makes painfully clear the connections between what many US Americans today remember only vaguely as the Iran-Contra “affair” and ongoing US aggression in the Americas, the Middle East, and around the world—connections made even more explicit in a new afterword written for this edition. A compelling, important, and sobering story on its own, Blood on the Border offers a deeply informed, closely observed, and heartfelt view of history in the making.

Written by Luis Moreno (known as "Mike Lima" during this decade long conflict) the author examines in his book Principio Y Fin de la Guerra de los Contras (The Contras War: From Beginning to End) the armed struggle and the strategy that may have cost the lives of more than 6,000 Contra fighters and a total of some 15,000 anti-Sandinista supporters and family members in and out of Nicaragua. The armed conflict took place between the Nicaraguan Resistance (the Contras) and the Sandinista security forces (over 100,000) who helped govern Nicaragua in the 1980's. Moreno provides an inside perspective of the manner in which the Contras developed as a small force of less than 1000 in the early 1980's to over 20,000 that would demobilize after the Violeta Chamorro election of early 1990. A significant study by Moreno that should be read along with those books by Stephen Kinzer--Blood of Brothers, Christopher Dickey--With the Contras, Glenn Garvin--Everybody Had His Gringo, Sam Dillion--Commandos, Timothy Brown--The Real Contra War, and other publications that seek to explain the Nicaraguan Resistance and the extent it was seen as a failure or a success in the politics of the Nicaraguan nation and United States foreign policy. What makes this study important and distinct is that Moreno provides a detailed insight into the creation of the Resistance by folding together two major forces: the Milpas (anti-Sandinista farmers and peasants), former Sandinista insurgents and remnants of Somoza's army and EBBI--survivors of the 1979 fight against the Sandinista insurgents. As both a field commander inside Nicaragua and a member of the Strategic Command after tragically losing part of his right hand and arm in a training accident Moreno is able to talk about Resistance personalities, thinking within the Resistance, and the decisions that the Resistance faced. In addition, Moreno, the Resistance "Operations Director" in the Strategic Command discusses the strategy, plans, and institutional relations of the Resistance--especially with the Hondurans and the Americans. Why read this book? The detailed picture of the Nicaraguan rural areas of conflict; how an insurgent movement is organized; the importance of the rural population support to the Resistance. Caesar D. Sereseres Profesor de Ciencia Politica y Estudios Internacionales Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Universidad de California, Irvine"

In 1979, the Sandinista government established itself in power in Managua, the capitol of Nicaragua. It found the country ruined by the long war against the Somosa dictatorship and natural disasters alike, and nearly half of the population either homeless or living in exile. Attempting to restructure and recover the underdeveloped economy, Sandinisas introduced a wide range of reforms and a cultural revolution. Considering the Sandinistas to be 'Cuban-supported Marxists' and therefore a major threat to the US domination of Latin America, in 1980-1981 the USA began supporting the creation of the Contrarevolutionary forces (better known as 'Contras'), and thus helped provoke a new war that was to rage through Nicaragua until 1988. Leaning upon extensive studies of the armed groups involved, and their combat operations of the 1981-1988 period, 'Nicaragua, 1961-1990, Volume 2' provides an in-depth coverage of military history during the second phase of one of bloodiest, and most-publicised armed conflicts of Latin America in modern times. Guiding the reader meticulously through the details of the involved forces, their ideologies, organisation and equipment, this book offers a uniquely accurate, blow-by-blow account of the Nicaraguan War and is profusely illustrated with more than 120 photos, maps, and colour artworks.

An account of U.S. policy from the Sandinista revolution through the Iran-contra scandal and beyond. Sklar shows how the White House sabotaged peace negoatiations and sustained the deadly contra war despite public opposition, with secret U.S. special forces and an auxiliary arm of dictators, drug smugglers and death squad godfathers, and illuminates an alternative policy rooted in law and democracy.

Major Motion Picture based on Dark Alliance and starring Jeremy Renner, "Kill the Messenger," to be be released in Fall 2014 In August 1996, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Gary Webb stunned the world with a series of articles in the San Jose Mercury News reporting the results of his year-long investigation into the roots of the crack cocaine epidemic in America, specifically in Los Angeles. The series, titled “Dark Alliance,” revealed that for the better part of a decade, a Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to Los Angeles street gangs and funneled millions in drug profits to the CIA-backed Nicaraguan Contras. Gary Webb pushed his investigation even further in his book, Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion. Drawing from then newly declassified documents, undercover DEA audio and videotapes that had never been publicly released, federal court testimony, and interviews, Webb demonstrates how our government knowingly allowed massive amounts of drugs and money to change hands at the expense of our communities. Webb’s own stranger-than-fiction experience is also woven into the book. His excoriation by the media—not because of any wrongdoing on his part, but by an insidious process of innuendo and suggestion that in effect blamed Webb for the implications of the story—had been all but predicted. Webb was warned off doing a CIA expose by a former Associated Press journalist who lost his job when, years before, he had stumbled onto the germ of the “Dark Alliance” story. And though Internal investigations by both the CIA and the Justice Department eventually vindicated Webb, he had by then been pushed out of the Mercury News and gone to work for the California State Legislature Task Force on Government Oversight. He died in 2004.

Recounts how the American government financed and orchestrated the ten-year civil war between the Sandinistas and the Contras

Garvin, who covered the war in Nicaragua for the Washington times from 1983-1989, presents a partisan but not uncritical account of the contras: who they were, why they fought, how their US allies helped and hindered them. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR