The End Of Pax Britannica In The Persian Gulf 1968 1971

This book examines how the rulers in the Persian Gulf responded to the British announcement of military withdrawal from the Gulf in 1968, ending 150 years of military supremacy in the region. The British system in the Gulf was accepted for more than a century not merely because the British were the dominant military power in the region. The balance of power mattered, but so did the framework within which the British exercised their power. The search for a new political framework, which began when the British announced withdrawal, was not simply a matter of which ruler would amass enough military power to fill the void left by the British: it was also a matter of the Gulf rulers – chiefly Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the ruling shaykhs of the lower Gulf – coming to a shared understanding of when and how the exercise of power would be viewed as legitimate. This book explores what shaped the rulers’ ideas and actions in the region as the British system came to an end, providing a much-needed political history of the region in the lead-up to the independence of the UAE, Bahrain, and Qatar in 1971.

Straddling North Africa and Western Asia, the Middle East has been a cradle of civilisation and entrepreneurship — well before the arrival of Islam. In this region, gender roles were traditionally specified by culture, with women often expected to stay within the family environment, while men would trade in society at large. This book contributes to the literature on a highly neglected field of study: women entrepreneurs in the Middle East. Recognising that entrepreneurship does not take place in a vacuum, it focuses on contexts, and the ecosystems of this region with largely patriarchal societies, that are influenced by culture, religion, and colonial experience.This book provides readers with a topical analysis of women entrepreneurs in the Middle East on the context, ecosystems, and future perspectives for the region. Authors have presented the reality of 11 countries from the region based on women entrepreneurs' historical backgrounds, challenges, and achievements, as well as the contribution towards economic development in their local/immediate communities and the Middle East at large. Following the country analysis by the authors of each chapter, the editors provide a general assessment of the future of women entrepreneurs in the region by focusing on the current entrepreneurship policy and strategies of various countries in the region. This volume will be an essential reading for anyone researching or working on projects related to women's entrepreneurship and small businesses in the Middle East.

Small States theory supports the argument that small international actors have a vital role in the international system. After 9/11, it emerged as a more focused attempt to show that 'small' can be 'attractive and functional' in an era of normative political and religious radicalism. This book argues that Small States Theory is not relevant to the perplexities of the post-multipolar international system and produces a new theory, the Smart States Theory. Based on structural and neoclassical realism, it attempts to identify the origins of 'state-smartness' in foreign policy, leadership, and domestic politics. The United Arab Emirates will be used as the case study of this novel theoretical approach. The impressive evolution of the Trucial States to a modern nation-state of high technology, dynamic foreign policy as the recent pandemic fully showed, unique leadership, and unparalleled tolerance towards other religions and cultures, make the UAE a brilliant example of a smart state of the 21st century. The reader of the book will be introduced to a new theory in International Relations as well as to the history, politics, society, and leadership of a state that plays a pivotal role not only in the Gulf region but in the broader framework of the Middle East too; the United Arab Emirates.

This book magnifies only one instance of Iran’s geopolitical role in the Persian Gulf in the interim period between the British withdrawal of forces from, and the American arrival in that region. Two centuries of Pax-Britannica was the period of territorial organization of the region, which resulted in the creation of a number of small states or emirates defining territories and boundaries for which caused huge territorial complications with the older states of the region. Pax-Britannica was removed at the end of 1971 without settling these difficult issues. Yet, immediately after their departure from the Persian Gulf, Iran began the initiative of settling territorial differences among the littoral states. Negotiations for the delimitation of maritime boundaries in the Persian Gulf which started in 1968 with Saudi Arabia continued with each and every Arab state of the region and by the mid-1970s all maritime boundaries of Iran with her Arab neighbours were settled, including legal settlement of the issue of the islands extensively examined in this book. In 1975, the age-old Iran-Iraq territorial and boundary disputes were settled in Shatt al Arab, and in the same year Iran's initiative of settling territorial disputes went beyond the region of the Persian Gulf and the Shah quelled the fire of separatist movements in Dhufar of Oman as well as intervening in Egyptian Israeli disputes and settle their differences over the Sinai Peninsula. Israeli author, Samuel Segev admits in his 1981 publications on Israeli secret relations in the Middle East that "The Shah was the originator of the idea to mediate between Anwar Sadat and Golda Meir." Another instance of the Iranian endeavour to safeguard Arab territorial integrity was Iran's undertaking in eradication of threats to Oman's territorial integrity in the early 1970s. Within three years Iranian soldiers defended with their lives Oman's territorial integrity in Dhufar Province in the face of a fierce communist separatist movement that British forces could not eradicate in twelve years.

The position of the Persian Gulf as the main highway between East and West has long given this region special significance both within the Middle East and in global affairs more generally. This book examines the history of international relations in the Gulf since the 1820s as great powers such as Britain and the US, and regional powers such as Iran and Iraq, vied for supremacy over this geopolitically vital region. It focuses on the struggle for control over the islands of the Gulf, in particular the three islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb – an issue that remains highly contentious today. It describes how for 170 years Britain eroded Iranian influence in the Gulf, both directly by asserting colonial rule over Iranian islands and port districts, and also through claiming Iranian islands for their protégés on the Arab littoral. It shows how, after Britain's withdrawal, these islands became a pawn in the animosity and conflict that pitted, at one time, Arab radicals and nationalists against monarchical Iran, and, later, the conservative-moderate Arab camp against Islamic Iran. It goes on to explore the impact of the rise of American power in the Gulf since the start of the 1990s, its policy of containment of Iran and Iraq, and how this has provided encouragement to the ambitions of the Persian Gulf Arab littoral states, especially the UAE, towards the islands of the Gulf.

This book examines Iran’s policy in the Persian Gulf from 1968 to 1975 after the British military withdrawal from the region in 1971. It deals in detail with the questions of Bahrain and the Shatt-al Arab and examines the relationship of Britain’s ‘East of Suez Policy’ (1968-1971) to the politics of the region, and, especially, the role of Iran. Britain’s military pullout from the Persian Gulf influenced Iran’s determination to build a credible deterrent to replace the “power vacuum” without the intervention of foreign powers. The main factors which influenced Iran’s policy in the region were the Iranian oil industry, Persian Gulf security, Iran’s military preparedness and arms build-up.

This book critically examines the origins of American diplomacy in the greater Persian Gulf region, arguing that it was the inability of the United States to contend effectively with the disintegration of British imperial authority in the Gulf that eventually led it to assume its current role in the region.