The Myth Of The Nation And The Vision Of Revolution

In what may well rank as the finest political and intellectual history of the twentieth century, the late J. L. Talmon explores the origins of the schism within European society between the totalitarians of Right and Left as well as the split between an acceptance of the historical national community as the natural political and social framework and the vision of a socialist society achieved by a universal revolutionary breakthrough. This, the third and final volume of Talmon's history of the modern world, brings to bear the resources of his incisive scholarship to examine the workings of the ironies of totalitarianism as well as the resources of democracy.

In what may well rank as the finest political and intellectual history of the twentieth century, the late J. L. Talmon explores the origins of the schism within European society between the totalitarians of Right and Left as well as the split between an acceptance of the historical national community as the natural political and social framework and the vision of a socialist society achieved by a universal revolutionary breakthrough. This, the third and final volume of Talmon's history of the modern world, brings to bear the resources of his incisive scholarship to examine the workings of the ironies of totalitarianism as well as the resources of democracy.

In what may well rank as the finest political and intellectual history of the twentieth century, the late J. L. Talmon explores the origins of the schism within European society between the totalitarians of Right and Left as well as the split between an acceptance of the historical national community as the natural political and social framework and the vision of a socialist society achieved by a universal revolutionary breakthrough. This, the third and final volume of Talmon's history of the modern world, brings to bear the resources of his incisive scholarship to examine the workings of the ironies of totalitarianism as well as the resources of democracy.

Part VIII: From Georges Sorel to Benito Mussolini -- Chapter I. The Legacy of Georges Sorel - Marxism, Violence, Fascism -- (I) The Heroic Leap -- (II) The Revolt Against Politics -- (III) Force, Terror and Renewal -- (IV) Between Marx and Mussolini -- (V) Nihilism: From Sorel to Valois -- Chapter II. Mussolini and the Fascist Denouement -- (I) He Peculiarities of Italy's past - Absence of an Italian National Myth -- (II) The Risorgimento-a "mutilated" Dream -- (III) In Quest for a Myth and Power -- (IV) The Manifest Destiny of Italy -- (V) War as Revolution -- (VI) Mussolini's Socialist Creed-revolution and Violence -- (VII) The Break with Internationalism -- (VIII) The Search for a Mission-from Social Messianism to Imperialism -- (IX) "The Doctrine of Fascism" -- (X) The Inadequacies of Democracy and Failures of Socialism -- (X) Imperium -- Part IX: The German Revolution of 1918 and Hitler in the Wings -- Chapter I. The Dilemmas of the German Revolution of 1918 -- (a) A Resentful Nation -- (b) A Problematic Democracy -- (c) Right or Wrong-my Revolution -- Chapter II. Hitler in the Wings -- (a) Damnosa Hereditas: The Viennese "granite Foundation*' of Hitler's Weltanschauung -- (b) Neurosis Becomes Murderous Madness -- (c) Beyond Nationalism? -- (d) The Led and Their Leader -- (e) The Distant Foundations -- (f) "Rome and Judaea" -- Conclusions -- Notes -- Index

In what may well rank as the finest political and intellectual history of the twentieth century, the late J. L. Talmon explores the origins of the schism within European society between the totalitarians of Right and Left as well as the split between an acceptance of the historical national community as the natural political and social framework and the vision of a socialist society achieved by a universal revolutionary breakthrough. This, the third and final volume of Talmon's history of the modern world, brings to bear the resources of his incisive scholarship to examine the workings of the ironies of totalitarianism as well as the resources of democracy.

In one of his final works, Stephen Jay Gould spoke of the human race "as a wildly improbable evolutionary event well within the realm of contingency." Drawing on his personal knowledge of fifty figures from the world of twentieth-century social science, Irving Louis Horowitz offers commentaries drawn from a variety of public occasions to explain one segment of this improbable event. In the process he reveals how the past century was defined in substantial measure by the rise of social research. Commenting on Tributes, Daniel Mahoney observes, "some pieces are completely authoritative and detailed, others more conversational and informal. That diversity of approaches tied to the special character of these people increases the readability and interest in the book as a whole. In addition to illuminating the life and thought of these major figures, these essays and addresses reveal the impressive catholicity of Horowitz's concerns and his ability to remain open to the widest range of theoretical and practical approaches." In a certain sense, this book is also an intellectual autobiography in the form of an expression of Horowitz's debt to intellectual interlocutors and influences over the years. As a consequence, Tributes will be of the greatest interest to anyone who wishes to come to terms with the intellectual formation of the people who gave substance to new ways of experiencing as well as explaining society. The book is thus a thoughtful guide to the intellectual life of our times. From Arendt and Aron to Veblen and Wildavsky, these essays take shape as a systematic mosaic of the past century. Written by a central participant in social theory, Tributes is both an informal guide and a formal text for readers coming upon social science innovators for the first time. The book breaks the boundaries of conventional discourse and in so doing gives voice to the outstanding figures that helped make the twentieth century "the century of social research."

During the cultural revolution, Xi Jinping was sent to a juvenile detention center for group fighting in the street. During this time, Xi Jinping was a marginalized member of society, with no one to turn to and no one to depend on. He was lice infested and was not well mentally or physically. Xi Jinping's experience at the bottom was similar to that of Qin Shi Huang Ying Zheng, who was sent to Zhao as a hostage, suffering humiliation and hardship. He not only tasted the bitter fruits of the Party struggle, but also dimly realized the philosophy of the Party struggle —— the loser is the prisoner, the winner is the emperor —— such a political philosophy began to germinate in his mind, and eventually developed into his thicket of political struggle. Xi Jinping is a mystery. It is a mystery that he came to power; it is a mystery that he has tossed China into internal and external trouble for nine years and it is an even bigger mystery how he will step down in the future. It is not easy to say what Xi Jinping wants to do because his governing style is not quite like Mao Zedong's and not quite like Deng Xiaoping's. In fact, Xi's ambitions have far exceeded those of Mao and Deng but his prestige, knowledge and abilities are far less than those of Mao and Deng. Xi Jinping is caught between Mao and Deng and is himself a contradiction.