The Political Lives Of James K Mcguire

James K. McGuire is often overlooked as a key figure of Irish nationalist politics, yet the issue defined his life for over three decades. As the title implies, he had multiple careers, each overlapping the others.

This is the story of a self-educated, charismatic, gifted leader who overcame personal tragedy in childhood and was elected the youngest mayor of a major city in the United States at age twenty-six. It is the story of a reformer who possessed a genius for politics. James K. McGuire (1868–1923) was elected mayor of Syracuse three times as a Democrat in a Republican bastion. As a candidate for governor in 1898, he nearly derailed the rise of Theodore Roosevelt. His ideas and positions informed the candidacy of William Jennings Bryan in his quest for the presidency and the platform of the Democratic Party in those elections. Fahey narrates McGuire’s remarkable rise to become a major figure in national politics as well as his questionable business dealings along the way. Indicted twice during his life, he was investigated by Congress and the Department of Justice for his advocacy of Irish freedom. McGuire befriended and aided Éamon de Valera and the Irish freedom fighters of that time, using his influence at the highest levels of the American government to further the cause of Ireland. This fascinating portrait reveals a complex man who earned a place on the national political stage and battled for the causes in which he deeply believed.

The book reviews the life of James K. McGuire, the youngest mayor of Syracuse, New York, his role as lobbyist for the Asphalt Trust and his contributions as an activist in the fight for Irish freedom. The book explores the issues of domestic political reforms, trusts, political corruption and international intrigue. McGuire began his career as a populist reformer but became tainted by his abuse of power which led to two indictments bas mayor and an investigation by the federal government during World War I involving his role as a propagandist for the German Imperial government He was at one time a major player in Democratic party politics at the state and national level having connections to such national figures as Woodrow Wilson, William Jennings Bryan and Tammany Boss Charles Murphy. He was a ranking member in the cause of Irish freedom familiar with prominent nationalists as John Devoy, Daniel Cohalan, Eamon De Valera and Harry Boland. McGuire's story, now more than a century old, has a familiar ring to contemporary American politics.

James mark Sullivan was part of the post-famine Irish immigration to the United States in the late 19th century. Overcoming family misfortune, he moved from newsboy to journalist to Yale-educated lawyer. Relocating to New York City, his association with Tammany Hall involved him in the "Crime of the Century" Becker-Rosenthal murder case, a role not previously explored. Sullivan's involvement won him a patronage appointment as ambassador to Santo Domingo. Scandals about graft and corruption forced his resignation. However, another factor which contributed to his dismissal, unexplained until now, was his effort at subversion of his government's policy of neutrality, which was connected to his ties to Irish nationalism. He later established the first indigenous Irish film company with a pronounced Nationalist agenda, making several films which are now classics of the silent film era. Following the death of his wife and son during the influenza epidemic of 1918, he returned to the United States. Failing to revive his legal career, he removed to Florida, dying in relative obscurity.

While many Civil War reference books exist, there is no single compendium that contains important details about the combatant states (and territories) that Civil War researchers can readily access for their work. People looking for information about the organizations, activities, economies, demographics, and prominent personalities of Civil War states and state governments must assemble data from a variety of sources, with many key sources remaining unavailable online. This volume provides a crucial reference book for Civil War scholars and historians, professional or amateur, seeking information about New York during the war. Its principal sources include the Official Records, state adjutant general reports, legislative journals, state and federal legislation, executive speeches and proclamations on the federal and state levels, and the general and special orders issued by the military authorities of both governments, North and South. Designed and organized for easy use, this book can be read in two ways: by individual state, with each chapter offering a stand-alone history of an individual state's war years; or across states, comparing reactions to the same event or solutions to the same problems.

"For anyone who believes that there was no important labor movement before Roosevelt, or before Gompers, or before the Knights of Labor, this well-documented work should prove a shocker. And for those who look to the past for enlightenment to guide us through our troubled tomorrows, this book is a reservoir of historic information and insights." -- New Leader "Beyond Equality is a masterpiece. . . . A book of bold and brilliant originality, it is now shaping the perspective of a new generation of graduate students." -- David Brion Davis, author of The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture

This book discusses “culture” and the origins of the Anglo-American special relationship (the AASR). The bitter dispute between ethnic groups in the US from 1914–17—a period of time characterized as the “culture wars”—laid the groundwork both for US intervention in the European balance of power in 1917 and for the creation of what would eventually become a lasting Anglo-American alliance. Specifically, the vigorous assault on English “civilization” launched by two large ethnic groups in America (the Irish-Americans and the German-Americans) had the unintended effect of causing America’s demographic majority at the time (the English-descended Americans) to regard the prospect of an Anglo-American alliance in an entirely new manner. The author contemplates why the Anglo-American “great rapprochement” of 1898 failed to generate the desired “Anglo-Saxon” alliance in Britain, and in so doing features theoretically informed inquiries into debates surrounding both the origins of the war in 1914 and the origins of the American intervention decision nearly three years later.