The Presidentialization Of Political Parties In Russia Kazakhstan And Belarus

This book analyses the presidentialization of parties in three countries of the post-Soviet space - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan - and the role of this phenomenon in their recent political history. The concept of presidentialization of politics means that parties tend to adjust by becoming ‘presidentialised’ in the sense that parties delegate their leaders-as- Presidents to shape both their electoral and governing strategies. The presidentialization of parties refers to institutional resources, constraints and opportunities. It can be also described both as centralization of leadership and a style of government, overlapping with that of personalization of politics that it consists of personal characteristics, attitudes, personal capital and charisma in making politics, instead. Since their introduction, the concept of presidentialization have been mostly analysed within the Western or other democratic countries. Very little attention, however, has been paid to the phenomenon presidentialization of political parties in non-democratic countries or in countries with a transitional form of government . This volume enhances our theoretical understanding of the political role of the Presidents of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus in controlling the legislative space and elected officials.

Campaign organizers and the media appear to agree that voters' perceptions of party leaders have an important impact in elections.Platform or Personality? examines voters' evaluations of party leaders in elections around the world and finds that leaders have an unmistakeable and consistent impact on voters' decisions at the ballot box

This book provides a framework for analyzing the impact of the separation of powers on party politics. Conventional political science wisdom assumes that democracy is impossible without political parties, because parties fulfil all the key functions of democratic governance. They nominate candidates, coordinate campaigns, aggregate interests, formulate and implement policy, and manage government power. When scholars first asserted the essential connection between parties and democracy, most of the world's democracies were parliamentary. Yet by the dawn of the twenty-first century, most democracies had directly elected presidents. David J. Samuels and Matthew S. Shugart provide a theoretical framework for analyzing variation in the relationships among presidents, parties, and prime ministers across the world's democracies, revealing the important ways that the separation of powers alters party organization and behavior - thereby changing the nature of democratic representation and accountability.

Postavení prezidenta v jiných než prezidentských politických systémech patří k méně analyzovaným aspektům politiky. V zemích střední a východní Evropy může přitom existovat určitá diskrepance mezi formálním a reálným postavením hlav států. Předkládaná, anglicky psaná kniha mapuje, zda se zde po roce 1989 objevily tendence k většímu zapojení či osobnímu angažmá prezidentů v každodenní politice, co bylo jejich příčinou, jak se projevovaly a zda je můžeme vysvětlit spíše osobností prezidenta, nebo strukturou politických příležitostí, která nabídla prezidentovi větší prostor pro osobní politickou realizaci.

The first scientific analysis of Indonesian voting behavior from democratization in 1999 to the most recent general election in 2014.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and six Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.

This book challenges the idea that the Rule of Law is still a universal European value given its relatively rapid deterioration in Hungary and Poland, and the apparent inability of the European institutions to adequately address the illiberalization of these Member States. The book begins from the general presumption that the Rule of Law, since its emergence, has been a universal European value, a political ideal and legal conception. It also acknowledges that the EU has been struggling in the area of value enforcement, even if the necessary mechanisms are available and, given an innovative outlook and more political commitment, could be successfully used. The authors appreciate the different approaches toward the Rule of Law, both as a concept and as a measurable indicator, and while addressing the core question of the volume, widely rely on them. Ultimately, the book provides a snapshot of how the Rule of Law ideal has been dismantled and offers a theory of the Rule of Law in illiberal constitutionalism. It discusses why voters keep illiberal populist leaders in power when they are undeniably acting contrary to the Rule of Law ideal. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers engaged with the foundational questions of constitutionalism. The structure and nature of the subject matter covered ensure that the book will be a useful addition for comparative and national constitutional law classes. It will also appeal to legal practitioners wondering about the boundaries of the Rule of Law.

This book, which brings together scholars from the developed and developing world, explores one of the most salient features of contemporary international relations: South-South cooperation. It builds on existing empirical evidence and offers a comparative analytical framework to critically analyse the aid policies and programmes of ten rising donors from the global South. Amongst these are several BRICS (Brazil, India, China and South Africa) but also a number of less studied countries, including Cuba, Venezuela, the United Arab Emirates, Colombia, Turkey, and Korea. The chapters trace the ideas, identities and actors that shape contemporary South-South cooperation, and also explore potential differences and points of convergence with traditional North-South aid. This thought-provoking edited collection will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, international political economy, development, economics, area studies and business. /div