The Taiwan Independence Movement In And Out Of Power

This book is a study of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) and electoral politics in Taiwan during 2000-2012. It consists of two parts: the first part proposes a movement government framework to understand the fluctuating popular support for the DPP government during 2000-2008 when it was in power, and the second part includes a series of studies on the DPP's quick but limited revival during 2008-2012 when it was out of power. For the DPP in and out of power, its strategic relations with the TIM have either promoted or constrained popular support for the DPP under different circumstances. This book reviews the history of the TIM since 1945, its relations with the DPP since 1986, the DPP's strategies in dealing with the TIM, and explains how these strategies have significantly affected the size and composition of the DPP's support base since 2000 by analyzing rich survey data collected during 1996-2013. Theoretically, this book challenges the traditional dichotomous and overly structuralist understanding of state-movement relations; empirically, it provides both qualitative and quantitative analysis of Taiwan's major political and social events since 2000, such as presidential and legislative elections, and rise of Taiwanese nationalism.

In Taiwan's 18 March 2000 presidential election, the Kuomintang (KMT) government was defeated, for the first time after fifty-five years in power, by the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Chen Shui-bian's election victory has significantly changed and further complicated the political and strategic scenarios across the Taiwan Strait. This book is the first major study to investigate what led to this change, how it has affected cross-strait relations and how China will deal with the new government in Taiwan. The author also provides a detailed reading of U.S. military, economic and political involvement in the region and its strategy for Asia and China. Indications of strategic change under the Bush Administration and the possible impact of 11 September on U.S.-China relations are also examined.

The product of five years of North American Taiwan Studies Conferences, this book carefully analyzes the emergence of national feelings in Taiwan, its historical roots and its contemporary manifestations. It addresses questions central to the looming international issue of Taiwan/China. Part one considers the historical events that help to explain the emergence and development of a separatist, dissident discourse. The second part deals with the current issue of national identity transition in Taiwan. The final part places the national identity debate in a broader perspective by focusing on the larger issues of the maturation of the national identity question.

When the Chinese Communists defeated the Chinese Nationalists and occupied the mainland in 1949–1950, U.S. policymakers were confronted with a dilemma. Disgusted by the corruption and, more importantly, failure of Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist armies and party and repelled by the Communists’ revolutionary actions and violent class warfare, in the early 1950s the U.S. government placed its hopes in a Chinese “third force.” While the U.S. State Department reported on third forces, the CIA launched a two-prong effort to actively support these groups with money, advisors, and arms. In Japan, Okinawa, and Saipan, the agency trained third force troops at CIA bases. The Chinese commander of these soldiers was former high-ranking Nationalist General Cai Wenzhi. He and his colleagues organized a political group, the Free China Movement. His troops received parachute training as well as other types of combat and intelligence instruction at agency bases. Subsequently, several missions were dispatched to Manchuria—the Korean War was raging then—and South China. All were failures and the Chinese third force agents were killed or imprisoned. With the end of the Korean War, the Americans terminated this armed third force movement, with the Nationalists on Taiwan taking in some of its soldiers while others moved to Hong Kong. The Americans flew Cai to Washington, where he took a job with the Department of Defense. The second prong of the CIA’s effort was in Hong Kong. The agency financially supported and advised the creation of a third force organization called the Fighting League for Chinese Freedom and Democracy. It also funded several third force periodicals. Created in 1951 and 1952, in 1953 and 1954 the CIA ended its financial support. As a consequence of this as well as factionalism within the group, in 1954 the League collapsed and its leaders scattered to the four winds. At the end, even the term “third force” was discredited and replaced by “new force.” Finally, in the early 1950s, the CIA backed as a third force candidate a Vietnamese general. With his assassination in May 1955, however, that effort also came to naught.

In January 2016, Taiwan’s former authoritarian ruler, the KMT, the Nationalist Party of China, lost control of both the presidency and the legislature. Having led the democratization process in Taiwan during the 1980s, it maintained a winning coalition among big business, the public sector, green-collar workers and local factions. Until now. A New Era in Democratic Taiwan identifies past, present and future trajectories in party politics and state-society relations in Taiwan. Providing a comprehensive examination of public opinion data, it sheds light on significant changes in the composition of political attitudes among the electorate. Through theoretical and empirical analyses, this book also demonstrates the emergence of a ‘new’ Taiwanese identity during the transition to democracy and shows how a diffusion of interests in society has led to an opening for niche political organizations. The result, it argues, is a long-term challenge to the ruling parties. As the first book to evaluate Taiwan’s domestic and international circumstances after Tsai’s election in 2016, this book will be useful for students and scholars of Taiwan Studies and cross-Strait relations, as well as Asian politics more generally.