The Zionist Dream Revisited

Briefly traces the history of Zionism, describes the major political forces influencing the Israeli government, and explains why the invasion of Lebanon has so divided the nation

Sephardic Jews have contributed some of the most important Jewish philosophers, poets, biblical commentators, Talmudic and Halachic scholars, and scientists, and have had a significant impact on the development of Jewish mysticism. Sephardic and Mizrahi Jewry brings together original work from the world's leading scholars to present a deep introductory overview of their history and culture over the past 1500 years.

In this book, Rubinstein Grapples with the question of what happened to the Zionist dream by reviewing historical Zionist ideology and tracing its development and the development of other ideological, political, and conceptual responses to what Jewish nationalism should be. The Six Day War is viewed as a turning point in Zionist and Israeli history. He analyzes the conditions that gave rise to "gush emunim" and religious militant political groups. In "the end of the Sabra myth", Rubinstein describes the new Israelis and concludes that Israel's future depends on its ability to return to some of the traditional Zionist values.

Shared Land/Conflicting Identity: Trajectories of Israeli and Palestinian Symbol Use argues that rhetoric, ideology, and myth have played key roles in influencing the development of the 100-year conflict between first the Zionist settlers and the current Israeli people and the Palestinian residents in what is now Israel. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is usually treated as an issue of land and water. While these elements are the core of the conflict, they are heavily influenced by the symbols used by both peoples to describe, understand, and persuade each other. The authors argue that symbolic practices deeply influenced the Oslo Accords, and that the breakthrough in the peace process that led to Oslo could not have occurred without a breakthrough in communication styles. Rowland and Frank develop four crucial ideas on social development: the roles of rhetoric, ideology, and myth; the influence of symbolic factors; specific symbolic factors that played a key role in peace negotiations; and the identification and value of criteria for evaluating symbolic practices in any society.

The Arab-Israeli conflict has been one of the most defining features of recent world history, flaring up into open war fare yet again in Gaza at the end of 2008 and provoking large-scale demonstrations in the streets of cities across the world. The decision in 1919 by the Paris Peace Conference to award the Mandate for Palestine to Great Britain—which had announced its commitment to the creation of a national home for the Jewish people in the Balfour Declaration two years previously—sowed the seeds of this seemingly intractable problem, yet when the Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann (1874-1952) spoke before the Conference on 27 February 1919, he would have appeared as only one of the many representatives of minor nationalities putting their case to the peacemakers, and, what is more, one whose people had no territory of their own. How a Jewish chemistry professor from an obscure part of Eastern Europe could find himself at the heart of international diplomacy, and later become the first president of the State of Israel, is one of the most fascinating stories of the Paris Peace Conference and its aftermath. Ninety years after the Conference, what Weizmann said and did there is an essential part of our understanding of how this small, but critical, part of the world evolved out of the deliberations.

This internal critique of Zionism challenges three notions: that the Jews are a nation; that exile is the main cause of their past suffering, and that Jewish history is made solely in Israel. Zionism is an illusion because it has failed to ‘normalize’ the Jewish condition. In particular, it has not eliminated anti-Semitism, but rather cultivates it in order to keep Jews within the fold.Once independent, the State of Israel emptied the Middle East and North Africa of their Jewish populations and prevented large numbers of Soviet Jews from settling in North America, or anywhere else but Israel. Now the target is France, but French Jews, though massively Zionist, are reluctant to emigrate. Israel, it seems, cannot thrive and prosper without draining the Diaspora of its finances, its youth – indeed its very identity.Israeli control of Jerusalem has not brought the Messianic age any closer. Rabbis used to worry that the Holocaust could mean that God abrogated His covenant with the Jews. Israel’s victory in 1967 convinced them that the covenant still holds. The Holocaust has, however, encouraged Jewish paganism, as Jews adulate power and define themselves purely as an ethnic group: Hitlerjuden. The State of Israel claims to be the culmination of Jewish history, but its leaders insist that we are still in the rut of 1938.The State of Israel is perfectly capable of defending itself and has no need of solidarity rallies in the Diaspora. Zionism allows the Jewish establishment to retain power, but reduces the Diaspora to a subordinate role. Yet Judaism was born and developed in exile. If Jews divest themselves of their siege mentality, Judaism can become a university for adults, without examinations or tuition fees, open to all.