U S India Atomic Energy Cooperation

This volume consists of research that the Nonproliferation Policy Education Center (NPEC) commissioned and vetted throughout 2006. For at least half of the chapters, authors presented versions of their work as testimony before Congressional oversight committees. No matter what one's point of view, these chapters deserve close attention since all are focused on what is needed to assure U.S.-Indian strategic cooperation succeeds. The volume offers U.S. and Indian policy and law makers a detailed checklist of things to watch, avoid, and try to achieve.

This book interrogates the Indo-US civil nuclear agreement from its inception in July 2005 to its conclusion in the latter part of 2008 through 12 articles, each of which focuses on different aspects of the deal. They discuss the factors that facilitated the deal, the roadblocks that were encountered, and the implications of the deal for the future of India’s foreign policy, its energy security and the international non-proliferation regime. Together, they address the internal political dynamics in India and the United States in order to present perspectives of both countries. The book also highlights the technical paradigm of the nuclear deal: implications of the deal for India’s military and energy programs, and a legal scrutiny of the 123 Agreement. Further, it attempts to analyse the rationale for the unrelenting domestic and international opposition which the deal faced, examining . whether the objections raised from different groups at various stages to the Indo-US nuclear deal were substantive or motivated. Finally, the book provides an overview of the Indo-US nuclear deal and posits it within the larger framework of Indo-US relations. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, political science, international law, peace and security studies, South Asian studies and military studies.

The Indo-U.S. Civil Nuclear Deal July 2005 Is An Epochal Event Setting The Stage For India S Tacit Admission Into The Elite Nuclear Club Of Five . While Opening The Doors For India To The Global Nuclear Energy Market, The Deal Will Have Far-Reaching Impact On Regional As Well As International Relations. Some As China And Pakistan Could See It Detrimental To Their Security Interests. Others As France And Germany, Acknowledging India S Rising Power, Have Preferred To Engage It. Within The Two Nations, India And The U.S., The Opinions Have Been Sharply Divided. The U.S. Non-Proliferation Community Has Attacked President Bush For Opening A Pandora S Box By Cooperating With A State Which Possesses Nuclear Weapons But Is Non-Signatory Of The Npt. In India, Concerns Of Sovereignty Have Overshadowed The Sizeable Gains Accruing To The Country In Its Quest For Energy Sufficiency.The Articles In The Present Book Place The Entire Debate On Indo-U.S. Civil Nuclear Deal In Perspective By Examining The Background Which Led The Bush Administration To Propose A Change In The Nuclear Rules In Favor Of India, The Range Of Deliberations That Have Followed And The Final Stages Awaiting Formal Recognition. An Attempt Has Been Made To Cover Both The Objective And Subjective Factors Which Have Driven This Nuclear Debate. In Addition To Articles By Erudite Experts In The Field Of International Affairs, The Book Also Includes Important Documents Relating To The Nuclear Deal Speeches Of The U.S. President, Indian Prime Minister, Senators, Congressmen, Senior Officials, The Viewpoints Of Different Countries, The Nsg, And The Iaea Chief.The Book Is A Seminal Contribution To Indo-U.S. Relations And Will Prove Invaluable To Students And Scholars Of International Affairs, Strategic Analysts, Policy Planners, Diplomats, Parliamentarians As Well As Common Readers Interested In Contemporary World Affairs.

The signing of the US–India civilian nuclear agreement in 2008 is a milestone in the geopolitics of the twenty-first century—one that has virtually rewritten the rules of the global nuclear order. It has also transformed the relationship between the world's oldest and largest democracies. Harsh V. Pant's book is the first detailed examination of this major policy initiative as well as the process by which this pact came to fruition. Pant identifies a range of issues at the structural, domestic, political, and individual levels that have shaped the recent trajectory of the US–India relationship. He analyses the three-year long negotiating process with a special focus on how political leaderships in both states managed domestic opposition to the pact. The author locates the agreement in the context of the broader debate over the role of international institutions in global politics.

India, which has not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and does not have International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards on all of its nuclear material, exploded a "peaceful" nuclear device in 1974, convincing the world of the need for greater restrictions on nuclear trade. The United States created the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) as a direct response to India's test, halted nuclear exports to India a few years later, and worked to convince other states to do the same. India tested nuclear weapons again in 1998. However, President Bush announced July 18, 2005, he would "work to achieve full civil nuclear energy cooperation with India" and would "also seek agreement from Congress to adjust U.S. laws and policies," in the context of a broader partnership with India. U.S. nuclear cooperation with other countries is governed by the Atomic Energy Act (AEA) of 1954 (P.L. 95-242). However, P.L. 109-401, which President Bush signed into law on December 18, 2006, allows the President to waive several provisions of the AEA. On September 10, 2008, President Bush submitted to Congress, in addition to other required documents, a written determination that P.L. 109-401's requirements for U.S. nuclear cooperation with India to proceed had been met. President Bush signed P.L. 110-369, which approved the agreement, into law October 8, 2008. Then-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and India's then-External Affairs Minister Shri Pranab Mukherjee signed the agreement two days later, and it entered into force December 6, 2008. Additionally, the United States and India signed a subsequent arrangement in July 2010 which governs "arrangements and procedures under which" India may reprocess U.S.-origin nuclear fuel in two new national reprocessing facilities, which New Delhi has not yet constructed. The NSG, at the behest of the Bush Administration, agreed in September 2008 to exempt India from some of its export guidelines. That decision has effectively left decisions regarding nuclear commerce with India almost entirely up to individual governments. Since the NSG decision, India has concluded numerous nuclear cooperation agreements with foreign suppliers. However, U.S. companies have not yet started nuclear trade with India and may be reluctant to do so if New Delhi does not resolve concerns regarding its policies on liability for nuclear reactor operators and suppliers. Taking a step to resolve such concerns, India signed the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage, which has not yet entered into force, October 27, 2010. However, many observers have argued that Indian nuclear liability legislation adopted in August 2010 is inconsistent with the Convention. The Obama Administration has continued with the Bush Administration's policy regarding civil nuclear cooperation with India. According to a November 8, 2010, White House fact sheet, the United States "intends to support India's full membership" in the NSG, as well as other multilateral export control regimes.