U S Policy Toward China

Increased fluidity and pluralism in U.S. policy toward China in the postDCold War period have led to growing non-governmental influence as both the administration and Congress have become the target of intense lobbying by organized groups concerned with human rights, trade opportunities, relations with Taiwan, and other hotly debated issues. This balanced study examines the central role of these organizations, focusing especially on two key cases of policy reversal: President Clinton's 1994 decision to delink human rights concerns from trade access and his 1995 decision to allow Taiwan's president to visit the United States, albeit in a private capacity. The recent movement toward a more consistent and coherent administration policy on China remains tentative and has been under mounting attack, especially in the wake of Asian campaign contributions. Although recognizing that U.S. policymakers must consider a wider range of interests than was the case during the Cold War, Sutter argues that following the prevailing consensus among organized interests may lead to bad policy. Instead, he contends that U.S. foreign policy must strike a balance between satisfying domestic concerns while buttressing interests abroad.

For more than a century, no US adversary or coalition of adversaries - not Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, or the Soviet Union - has ever reached sixty percent of US GDP. China is the sole exception, and it is fast emerging into a global superpower that could rival, if not eclipse, the United States. What does China want, does it have a grand strategy to achieve it, and what should the United States do about it? In The Long Game, Rush Doshi draws from a rich base of Chinese primary sources, including decades worth of party documents, leaked materials, memoirs by party leaders, and a careful analysis of China's conduct to provide a history of China's grand strategy since the end of the Cold War. Taking readers behind the Party's closed doors, he uncovers Beijing's long, methodical game to displace America from its hegemonic position in both the East Asia regional and global orders through three sequential "strategies of displacement." Beginning in the 1980s, China focused for two decades on "hiding capabilities and biding time." After the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, it became more assertive regionally, following a policy of "actively accomplishing something." Finally, in the aftermath populist elections of 2016, China shifted to an even more aggressive strategy for undermining US hegemony, adopting the phrase "great changes unseen in century." After charting how China's long game has evolved, Doshi offers a comprehensive yet asymmetric plan for an effective US response. Ironically, his proposed approach takes a page from Beijing's own strategic playbook to undermine China's ambitions and strengthen American order without competing dollar-for-dollar, ship-for-ship, or loan-for-loan.

The Trump administration recognizes the China challenge, but it needs a grand strategy. Blackwill recommends decisive action, sustained diplomacy, collaboration among branches of the U.S. government, and working with allies in Asia and Europe, among other approaches.

The emergence of the People's Republic of China on the world scene constitutes the most significant event in world politics since the end of World War II. As the world's predominant political, economic, and military power, the United States faces a particularly significant challenge in responding to China's rising power and influence, especially in Asia. Offering a fresh perspective on current and future U.S. policy toward China, Michael Swaine examines the basic interests and beliefs behind U.S.-China relations, recent U.S. and Chinese policy practices in seven key areas, and future trends most likely to affect U.S. policy. American leaders, he concludes, must reexamine certain basic assumptions and approaches regarding America's position in the Western Pacific, integrate China policy more effectively into a broader Asian strategy, and recalibrate the U.S. balance between cooperative engagement and deterrence toward Beijing.

" From cooperation to a new cold war: is this the future for today's two great powers? U.S. policy toward China is at an inflection point. For more than a generation, since the 1970s, a near-consensus view in the United States supported engagement with China, with the aim of integrating China into the U.S.-led international order. By the latter part of the 2010s, that consensus had collapsed as a much more powerful and increasingly assertive China was seen as a strategic rival to theUnited States. How the two countries tackle issues affecting the most important bilateral relationship in the world will significantly shape overall international relations for years to come. In this timely book, leading scholars of U.S.-China relations and China's foreign policy address recent changes in American assessments of China's capabilities and intentions and consider potential risks to international security, the significance of a shifting international distribution of power, problems of misperception, and the risk of conflicts. China's military modernization, its advancing technology, and its Belt and Road Initiative, as well as regional concerns, such as the South China Sea disputes, relations with Japan, and tensions on the Korean Peninsula, receive special focus. "

Increased fluidity and pluralism in U.S. policy toward China in the post-Cold War period have led to growing non-governmental influence as both the administration and Congress have become the target of intense lobbying by organized groups concerned with human rights, trade opportunities, relations with Taiwan, and other hotly debated issues. This balanced study examines the central role of these organizations and shows how the recent movement toward a more consistent and coherent administration policy on China remains tentative and under attack, especially in the wake of Asian campaign contributions. Although recognizing that U.S. policymakers must consider a wider range of interests in the current political climate, Sutter argues that following the prevailing consensus among organized interests may lead to bad policy. Instead, he contends that U.S. foreign policy must strike a balance between satisfying domestic concerns while buttressing interests abroad.