Us Foreign Policy Towards China Cuba And Iran

Historically, the United States saw itself as embodying the best system of government with a foreign policy goal of bringing this system to the rest of the world. While Washington has, at times, dealt more realistically with other great powers at odds with this view, it has also attempted to alienate lesser states who reject the American system. The policies of non-recognition of China, Cuba and Iran were marked instances of this phenomenon. As the Obama administration renewed ties with Cuba and contemplated a more cooperative relationship with Iran, staunch opposition arose in defence of maintaining the long-standing policy of disengagement with these regimes. Providing a timely explanation for the origins of and continued support for US policies of non-recognition toward China, Cuba and Iran, this book demonstrates the links between IR theory and US foreign policy through the lens of the English School concept of International Society. It identifies historic costs stemming from US policies of non-recognition, and cautions that maintaining an overly narrow frame for understanding global politics will cause greater difficulties for US foreign policy in the future. This book will be useful for American researchers, graduate students and upper-level undergraduates in IR and American Foreign Policy. The inclusion of English School concepts and contrasting of IR theory inside and outside the US should also make it appealing to students in the UK and Australia.

This book compares and contrasts the foreign relations strategies of China, Cuba, and Iran in the first decade of their post-revolutionary periods. Among a variety of explanatory variables, leadership, particularly the type of revolutionary leaders, played a significant role in explaining the outcome of the policymaking process in each case. Three distinct patterns of foreign relations strategies are evident among all three revolutionary regimes in the ten-year period: Two-Track, Conflictual, and Conciliatory. This book is a valuable source for both experts and non-experts alike in providing insight into the foreign relations of revolutionary regimes in developing countries and in helping U.S. policymakers anticipate behaviors of future revolutionary leaders. A focal point of this book is the examination of the nonalignment strategies of these prominent developing countries during the infancy of their regimes. Each state's particular strategy is described and explained in detail and then contrasted and compared. Although there are differences among their foreign policies, considering their geographic locations, size, wealth, military capabilities, leadership characteristics, and political institutions, there are significant similarities regarding their foreign policy goals and trends in their foreign relations with the Great Powers. Among explanatory factors, leadership played a significant role in the policy making process, although the foreign relations strategies of these revolutionary regimes were fed by a combination of national and international variables. In all three states, the tone of foreign policy was set by revolutionary leaders who were either idealists or realists. Idealists tended to take a more active and conflictual approach toward one or both of the superpowers, while Realists were more cautious and less willing to resort to a conflictual posture. This book also investigates the gap between the theoretical and practical nonalignment stance of each state. This cross-regional study provides policy analysts with clues about the foreign policies of other revolutionary developing countries in similar situations. Finally, it makes suggestions about how a Great Power may relate to a developing country during its first post-revolution decade.

This study describes the U.S. lack of support for Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek during World War II, its abandonment of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba in the 1950s, and its disregard for Anastasio Somoza in the 1970s. The authors often say with conviction that American leaders usually have good intentions of standing by a friendly ally. Yet confusion in strategic planning may occur and sometimes disrupts the carrying out of a policy. This was especially true when U.S. policymakers withdrew support from flawed allies and favored uncritically their would-be successors in the hope that Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro, and the Sandinistas would be better for Americans. In the case of China, for example, the study reveals that the optimistic view of Washington policymakers at the time were inclined to favor Mao Zedong. A strong voice in opposition was that of General Albert C. Wedemeyer who predicted "A China dominated by Chinese Communists would be inimical to the interests of the United States." He was right. The preface by the Honorable J. William Middendorf adds a personal and revealing touch to these cases.

Bringing together experts from history, international relations and the social sciences, United States Relations with China and Iran examines the past, present and future of U.S. foreign relations toward the People's Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Iran. It benefits from recently declassified documents and an interdisciplinary, transnational approach to explore different aspects of the relations between these three countries. While the 20th century has been referred to as the “American Century,” this book posits that the 21st century will be shaped by relations between the United States and key countries in Asia, in particular China and Iran. In assessing the United States' foreign policy towards China and Iran over the past six decades the chapters focus on several key themes: interaction, normalization, and confrontation. The book provides an insight into how and why Washington has developed and implemented its policies toward Beijing and Tehran, and examines how China and Iran have developed policies toward the United States and internationally. Finally, it draws on the insights of leading scholars discussing the future of relations between Beijing and Tehran. This interdisciplinary book brings a unique perspective to the international relations of the 20th century and beyond, and will benefit students and scholars of U.S. foreign relations as well as Middle Eastern and East Asian history and politics.

The U.S. government has essentially two choices when dealing with adversarial states: isolate them or engage them. Isolate or Engage systematically examines the challenges to and opportunities for U.S. diplomatic relations with nine intensely adversarial states—China, Cuba, Iran, Libya, North Korea, U.S.S.R./Russia, Syria, Venezuela, and Vietnam: states where the situation is short of conventional war and where the U.S. maintains limited or no formal diplomatic relations with the government. In such circumstances, "public diplomacy"—the means by which the U.S. engages with citizens in other countries so they will push their own governments to adopt less hostile and more favorable views of U.S. foreign policies—becomes extremely important for shaping the context within which the adversarial government makes important decisions affecting U.S. national security interests. At a time when the norm of not talking to the enemy is a matter of public debate, the book examines the role of both traditional and public diplomacy with adversarial states and reviews the costs and benefits of U.S. diplomatic engagement with the publics of these countries. It concludes that while public diplomacy is not a panacea for easing conflict in interstate relations, it is one of many productive channels that a government can use in order to stay informed about the status of its relations with an adversarial state, and to seek to improve those relations.

This is the second of three related, empirically based studies examining the broad range of issues raised by the use of economic sanctions. This volume provides a detailed examination of the impact of U.S. economic sanctions on China, Cuba, and Iran as well as the impact on the United States itself. Ashari, Forrer, Teegen, and Yang analyze whether or not these case studies in economic sanctions had been successful by measuring their historical impact and modeling their effectiveness. This book will be of particular interest to scholars, students, researchers, and the public policy community involved with international business and economics and international relations.

Bringing together experts from history, international relations and the social sciences, United States Relations with China and Iran examines the past, present and future of U.S. foreign relations toward the People's Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Iran. It benefits from recently declassified documents and an interdisciplinary, transnational approach to explore different aspects of the relations between these three countries. While the 20th century has been referred to as the “American Century,” this book posits that the 21st century will be shaped by relations between the United States and key countries in Asia, in particular China and Iran. In assessing the United States' foreign policy towards China and Iran over the past six decades the chapters focus on several key themes: interaction, normalization, and confrontation. The book provides an insight into how and why Washington has developed and implemented its policies toward Beijing and Tehran, and examines how China and Iran have developed policies toward the United States and internationally. Finally, it draws on the insights of leading scholars discussing the future of relations between Beijing and Tehran. This interdisciplinary book brings a unique perspective to the international relations of the 20th century and beyond, and will benefit students and scholars of U.S. foreign relations as well as Middle Eastern and East Asian history and politics.

This book assesses Iran’s role in contemporary geopolitics. In particular, it examines three main intertwining circles: Iran’s development and political challenges, its relationships with neighbouring countries, as well as its relations with the major global powers — China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With contributions from over 20 authors, the book spans such critical aspects of contemporary geopolitics as modern history, natural resources, the economy, the social-political context, and strategic thinking. Particular focus is placed on Iran’s relations with its neighbours - Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Pakistan, and the Persian Gulf States. Furthermore, the book offers both a bilateral and multilateral dimension on how nuclear sanctions imposed on Iran have impacted its strategic planning, from the economic and military perspectives.