Alphonse Merrheim

This is apoliticalbiography ofAlphonseMerrheim, asignificant leader of the Conf6d6ration G6n6raledu Travail(CGT)intheyears between 1904 and 1923 and the most important member of the Federation of Metalworkers during the sameperiod. Hewas born inthe Nord in 1871 and becameaworkeratanearlyage, firstinmetallurgythanintextiles and finally once more in metalworking. In his ideologicalevolution hepassed through asocialistpoliticalpartyandthenconvertedtorevolutionarys- dicalism. In his peculiar fusion of theory and practice, Merrheim represented a form of revolutionary syndicalism that helps define the characteristics of that movement. He believed, alongwithother revo- tionary syndicalists, that one day a workers' general strike would ov- throw capitalism. But the syndicalist movement wouldpreparethat ev- tualitybystrengtheningtheworkersthrough socialreformsandbycreating their class consciousness through education. Merrheim, however, p- ticipatedsothoroughly intradeunionactivityandstudiedtheorganization of capitalistindustry so carefullythat he cametoemphasizetheprepa- tions for such a generalstrike much more than thestrikeitself. The test of his attitude cameon theeve of, during, and immediately afterWorld War I; for contrary tothe demands of certain militant and revolutionary workerswhobelievedthatthethreatofwar andthenthedislocationcaused by the war demanded a revolutionary response, Merrheim persistently stressedthe dangers ofsuch anaction before the adequatepreparation of the workers. Hissteadfast refusaleventorespondtothestrikeactions of some ofhisown metalworkers in 1919 indicates the central contradiction between hisrevolutionary theory and reformistpractice. This book examinesindetailMerrheim'sevolution fromarevolutionary to areformer. Insodoingit alsoshedslightonanequallysubstantialtopic, namely, howacertaintypeofworkerrespondedtoindustrializationinthe late nineteenth and earlytwentiethcenturies. Merrheim is an interesting figure, too, becauseofhispositioninthelabormovement, foritrepresents a unique focalpoint forthestudy oflaborhistory. Merrheim enteredthe Frenchlabormovement in the 1890s and remainedactiveinituntil 1923. During that periodhewas, successively, alocalunion leader, co-secretary xii of a nationallaborfederation, and animportant figurewithinthe CGT. Never thesecretary-generaloftheCGT, hewasneverthelesstheconfident of thesecretary-generalfrom 1909, L6on Jouhaux.

Domestic Surveillance and Social Control in Britain and France during World War I examines the rapid development and expansion of agencies and governmental power to monitor and control the homefront in Britain and France during World War I. It documents the rapid shift in focus from the feared but unimportant threat of German espionage toward homegrown radicals. The book utilizes a vast array of documents generated during the war by top-level government committees, intelligence agencies, and police services as it demonstrates the emergence of mass domestic surveillance. Detailing how events and ideas in one country impacted the other, the book argues that Britain and France developed remarkably similar intelligence agencies and policies due to their shared experiences before, during, and after the war. This book will appeal to students and scholars alike, though its moderate length and chronological approach make it accessible to a wider audience. Additionally, it will fit a number of courses, including studies of the state, intelligence studies, and modern European history courses.

What explains France’s unique Left? Many works have reflected upon the importance of Marxism in France, yet few studies have been devoted to the man who did most to introduce Marxism into its political culture: the today near-forgotten figure of Jules Guesde. It was with Guesde that Karl Marx drafted the world’s first Marxist program, and Guesde who aroused the enthusiasm of countless worker-militants who saw him as their most important leader. Jules Guesde represents the first book-length study of the French socialist leader translated into the English language. For the radical Left today, Guesde is often considered a dogmatist who supported the Union sacrée during World War I and rejected the Bolshevik revolution; for the governmental Left, he embodies an intransigent ideologue who held back the modernization of the French Left. Throughout Jules Guesde, Jean-Numa Ducange argues that it is impossible to study the history of the French socialist movement without a close look at this singular figure and offers a fuller picture of the deep transformations of the Left and Marxism in France from the late 19th century up to the present. This scholarly biography of Jules Guesde seeks to put Guesde’s record on a properly historical footing, closely analysing both archival sources and accounts by his contemporaries. Chapter One begins with his early life and the mark left on him by the Paris Commune and exile. Chapter Two emphasises Guesde’s importance as leader of a distinct current of French socialism, recognised by figures like Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Chapter Three sees Guesde become an MP for working-class Roubaix, exploring the contradictions between his revolutionary rhetoric and concrete political practice. Chapter Four turns to the years following his electoral defeat in 1898 and his renewed intransigence in the period of the Dreyfus affair and rivalry with Jaurès. Chapter Five explores his key role in the formation of a united Socialist Party. Chapter Six examines the test of World War I and Guesde’s anguish at the divisions of French socialism. The book then concludes with an examination of Guesde’s contested legacy, as both a “founding father” and figure subject to often pejorative framings.

This study of the evolution of labour movements in the US and France from 1876 to 1914, illuminates the turn to syndicalism in France and craft unionism in the USA, and the impact each form of unionization had on the shaping of the French and the US states.

An examination of syndicalist ideas in France from the 19th century until the 1960s. It looks at two groups of people: the militants who created and led the syndicalist movement at its height and the intellectuals who in the first decade of the 20th century outlined a distinct syndicalist ideology.