Asia Gulf Economic Relations In The 21st Century

Asia constitutes the hub of the transformation of global economic power today. The Gulf, itself part of Asia, is of increasing importance in this transformation. This book documents the growing interactions between the economies of the Gulf states and those of the rest of Asia. These relationships are critical to how the world economy develops over the next decade, and how economic (and perhaps strategic) power is distributed. This volume assembles cutting-edge thinking by 16 specialists on a wide variety of topics covering Arab Gulf relations with China, Japan, ASEAN, Korea and India, as well as with Russia, Iran and Turkey.

This study offers a vital reappraisal of the trade relationship between north-east Asia and the Gulf. Writing from a non-western standpoint, Dargin and Lim make a compelling case for how these regions became economically integrated in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis.

This book examines the changing relations between the Asian part of the Middle East and the rest of the continent during the 21st century. Written by leading experts, this ground-breaking volume utilizes a comprehensive and multi-dimensional perspective to offer a novel and unique outlook on the evolving shape of East-West Asia relations and their global impact. Critically, it demonstrates that the intensification and diversification of East-West Asia relations since the 1990s have altered them from a set of separated bilateral ties into complex interregional relations. The book presents a nuanced, comparative look at Asian countries’ responses to global developments, and China’s rise in particular, and offers a new perspective on the very concept of Asia itself. It will be of interest to scholars, students, and practitioners working in the fields of International Relations, Asian Studies, and Middle Eastern Studies.

A plethora of economic, diplomatic, cultural, and other highly pragmatic linkages are making the 'Asianization' of Asia a reality. Davidson demonstrates how the powerful connections that are being forged by the very eastern and western extremities of the continent are poised to become a central pillar of this process.

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) vision, heralded as an attempt to revive the pre-modern Silk Route, is intended to strengthen West Asia’s economic links with China through ambitious infrastructural projects. Central to this are fast-track rail links, funded by the newly-established Asia Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), which has its headquarters in Beijing. This book explores the implications of OBOR and the AIIB for the Middle East/West Asia, and addresses a number of key strategic questions arising from China’s new initiatives. These include: how far are the strategic imperatives underpinning China’s policies connected to the political dynamics of Xinjiang and the spread of radical Islam in Central Asia? How are Middle Eastern stakeholders’ views of China affected by the new initiatives? How does China’s increasing involvement in the Middle East/West Asia affect other regional powers with ambitions in the region, notably Russia? The book also considers the impact of China’s increasing presence on individual countries, including Saudi Arabia and Israel.

The Gulf region's primary economic relationships are rapidly shifting from West to East. Relations with China, Japan and South Korea are becoming increasingly strategic in nature: based on a degree of mutual dependence far greater than is present in Gulf-Western relations. The balance of global politics will be critically affected by this powerful emerging relationship. This book provides documentation of the trend and examines some of the political and strategic issues which follow from it.

The Arab uprisings that swept the Middle East and North Africa in the period from 2011- 2012 left an indelible mark on the socio-political landscape of the region. But that mark was not consistent across the region: while some countries underwent dramatic popular social and political changes, others teetered on the brink, or were left with the status quo intact. Street revolutions toppled despotic regimes in Tunisia, Libya, and momentarily in Egypt, while mounting serious challenges to authoritarian regimes in Syria and Yemen. Algeria’s entrenched bureaucratic-cum-military authoritarian system proved resilient until the recent events of early 2019 which forced the resignation of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika before the end of his term on 28 April 2019. As in Algeria, protestors in Sudan succeeded, after months of demonstrations, in overthrowing the government of Omar al-Bashir. Several Arab monarchies still appear stable and have managed to weather the tempest of the Arab revolutions, albeit not without fissures showing in the edifice of their states, accompanied by some minor constitutional changes. Where Tunisians, Egyptians, Yemenis, Syrians, and Libyans demanded regime changes in their political systems, protesters in the Arab monarchies have called on the kings and emirs to reform their political system from the top down, indicating the sizeable monarchical advantage. Historical Dictionary of the Arab Uprisings contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 500 cross-referenced entries on the terms, persons and events that shaped the Arab Spring uprisings. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about the Arab Uprisings.

This paper reviews trade and financial relations between the European Union and GCC countries during the 1980s and 1990s. It examines to what extent economic relations have depended on oil prices and explores how much changing policies can affect future relations. Although much of the past and current emphasis has been on trade liberalization, the relationship arguably needs to be seen in a broader context. There are, for example, very specific educational, skills-related, and training needs in the GCC states in which there is already much European involvement, although not at the EU level. There is also considerable financial interdependence between individual European states and companies and Gulf governments. The 1989 Cooperation Agreement sets out to strengthen the relationship between the EU and the GCC and to ensure that the exchanges are covered on an inter-regional rather than a country-by-country basis. Overall, the preconditions are beginning to be put in place for more successful EU-GCC relations, especially since the new mandate was introduced in July 2001. There is a need for broader discourse, but this should not be at the expense of tackling current problems.