Australia S Pursuit Of An Independent Foreign Policy Under The Whitlam Labor Government

"The election of the Whitlam-led Labor government in December 1972 ushered in fresh ideas and audacious initiatives in Australia's foreign policy. Whitlam's approach was shaped by a vision of taking Australia forward to its "rightful" and "independent" place in the future of the Asia Pacific region. Examining a series of episodes in Australia's foreign relations under Whitlam, Chen pays attention to a broad range of hitherto insufficiently researched domestic and international issues in Australian's foreign relations of the early 1970s. They range from immigration policy and the abolition of appeals from Australian Courts to the Privy Council to such major international issues as the Anglo-American base in Diego Garcia, French nuclear testing in the Pacific and the Five Power Agreement with respect to Malaysia and Singapore. Chen demonstrates how the pursuit of foreign policy independence repeatedly placed the Whitlam Government in a position wedged in between Australia's traditional allies and the Third World; and how it navigated Australia's national interests on a series of dilemma situations involving conflicting strategic interests between Australia and its traditional allies, and those between major powers and the non-aligned countries. The analysis presented in this book contributes to not only historical literature on the subject but also to the understanding of how a middle power, like Australia, can navigate intensifying great power rivalry. Essential reading for scholars of Australian foreign policy, as well as being an invaluable case study of Middle Power diplomacy in the Asia Pacific region"--

Examining a series of episodes in Australia’s foreign relations under Whitlam, the author pays attention to a broad range of hitherto insufficiently researched domestic and international issues in Australian’s foreign relations of the early 1970s. The election of the Whitlam-led Labor Government in December 1972 ushered in fresh ideas and audacious initiatives in Australia’s foreign policy. Whitlam’s approach was shaped by a vision of taking Australia forward to its “rightful” and “independent” place in the future of the Asia-Pacific region. They range from immigration policy and the abolition of appeals from Australian Courts to the Privy Council to such major international issues as the Anglo-American base in Diego Garcia, French nuclear testing in the Pacific and the Five-Power Agreement with respect to Malaysia and Singapore. He demonstrates how the pursuit of foreign policy independence repeatedly placed the Whitlam Government in a position wedged in between Australia’s traditional allies and the Third World; and how it navigated Australia’s national interests on a series of dilemma situations involving conflicting strategic interests between Australia and its traditional allies, and those between major powers and the non-aligned countries. The analysis presented in this book contributes to not only historical literature on the subject but also the understanding of how a middle power, like Australia, can navigate intensifying great power rivalry. Essential reading for scholars of Australian foreign policy, as well as being an invaluable case study of middle power diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific region.

Australia's engagement with Asia from 1944 until the late 1960s was based on a sense of responsibility to the United Kingdom and its Southeast Asian colonies as they navigated a turbulent independence into the British Commonwealth. The circumstances of the early Cold War decades also provided for a mutual sense of solidarity with the non-communist states of East Asia, with which Australia mostly enjoyed close relationships. From 1967 into the early 1970s, however, Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity demonstrates that the framework for this deep Australian engagement with its region was progressively eroded by a series of compounding, external factors: the 1967 formation of ASEAN and its consolidation by the mid-1970s as the premier regional organisation surpassing the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC); Britain's withdrawal from East of Suez; Washington's de-escalation and gradual withdrawal from Vietnam after March 1968; the 1969 Nixon doctrine that America's Asia-Pacific allies must take up more of the burden of providing for their own security; and US rapprochement with China in 1972. The book shows that these profound changes marked the start of Australia's political distancing from the region during the 1970s despite the intentions, efforts and policies of governments from Whitlam onwards to foster deeper engagement. By 1974, Australia had been pushed to the margins of the region, with its engagement premised on a broadening but shallower transactional basis.

As the 21st century proceeds apace, Australia faces new and old challenges, both domestically and internationally. These include managing complex governance issues, preventing democratic fracture, balancing an ever- shifting geopolitical strategic order, addressing the recognition and identity demands of marginalised groups, and responding to crises and urgent policy challenges, such as climate change. Bonotti, Miragliotta, and the other contributors to this volume analyse and evaluate the challenges which confront Australia by locating them in their national and comparative context. The various contributions reveal that while these challenges are neither novel nor unique to Australia, the way in which they manifest and Australia’s responses to them are shaped by the country’s distinctive history, culture, geography, location, and size. The chapters offer a cutting- edge analysis of these pressing challenges faced by Australia and offer reflections on how to address them. The book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of Australian politics, and of comparative politics in a global perspective.

In Political Species, Karsten Ronit expertly argues that evolutionary biology can provide important sources of inspiration for analyzing the proliferation of private actors/organizations in domestic and global politics. Focusing on the evolution of a diversity of such private actors/organizations in politics, Ronit emphasizes that individuals are affected by and contribute to societal, cultural, and political evolution through a range of formal organizations and that societies, cultures, and politics influence and build upon values and norms transmitted by individuals via these formal organizations. By being mindful of these contextual factors and keeping in mind the important research done in the micro- and macro-perspectives, we can gain a better understanding of the diversity of private actors/organizations and how they evolve and adapt. Evolutionary biology teaches us that over time, different varieties emerge, specialize, and adapt to the ever-changing conditions in complex environments before accumulating into new species. Much change characterizes these processes of political evolution because actors constantly emerge and add to the existing population of private actors that, in one way or another, are engaged in politics.

Strategic Culture(s) in Latin America elucidates why many state-actors in the Global South exhibit a remarkable degree of policy continuity in their external behavior despite structural incentives for change. This book contends that the theoretical notion of strategic culture is instructive to explain such a puzzle. It extends the application of strategic culture beyond the policy of nuclear deterrence among great powers into other equally strategic areas of policy, such as diplomacy, political economy, regional international institutions, legal norms, politico-military institutions, and different security agendas beyond war and peace, for example, the illicit drug-trade and peacekeeping missions. The overall contribution of this book is three-fold: first, it rescues, updates, and expands the original conceptual and theoretical dimensions of strategic culture. Second, it extrapolates further theoretical implications of the concept through its application to five policy domains in Latin America beyond the original application of the strategic culture perspective to nuclear weapons strategy among great powers in the 1970s. Third, it draws together the theoretical and policy implications of the strategic cultures in Latin America and identifies possible applications for other peripheral, non-great power policy areas and issues in the Global South. This book will be of interest to academics, graduate and undergraduate students, policy analysts, and practitioners of Latin American Studies, International Relations Theory and Security Studies.

Lottaz, Iwama, and their contributors investigate the role of neutral and nonaligned European states during the negotiations for the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Focusing on the years from the Irish Resolution of 1958 until the treaty’s opening for signatures ten years later, the nine chapters written by area experts highlight the processes and reasons for the political and diplomatic actions the neutrals took, and how those impacted the multilateral treaty negotiations. The book reveals new aspects of the dynamics that lead to this most consequential multilateral breakthrough of the Cold War. In part one, three chapters analyze the international system from a bird’s eye perspective, discussing neutrality, nonalignment, and the nuclear order. The second part features six detailed case studies on the politics and diplomacy of Ireland, Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, Austria, and Yugoslavia. Overall, this study suggests that despite the volatile and dangerous nature of the early Cold War, the balance of the strategic environment enabled actors that were not part of one or the other alliance system to play a role in the interlocking global politics that finally created the nuclear regime that defines international relations until today. A valuable resource for scholars of nonproliferation, the Cold War, neutrality, nonalignment, and area studies.

Brazil’s growing dependence on agriculture has positioned agribusiness in a uniquely privileged position to influence Brazilian foreign policy. Brazilian Agricultural Diplomacy in the 21st Century examines how the inclusion of domestic “national champions” in foreign policy has shaped events within key global governance arenas. Starting with an explanation of the structural economic importance of agriculture within the Brazilian economy, Niels Søndergaard tells the story of agribusiness’ participation in foreign policy and how this Brazilian agricultural diplomacy has unfolded in recent decades. Expanding on his extensive archival research undertaken in the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and interviews with key figures, Søndergaard analyses decision-making processes in multilateral trade negotiations; WTO dispute settlement; joint lobbying; transnational multistakeholder governance; bilateral interactions; and within the agriculture-climate nexus. These case studies show how a clear convergence of interests, close coordination, resource pooling, and coalition formation as part of this ”public-private partnership” has produced impactful results within the wider global governance landscape, and how key goals of agricultural diplomacy have been internalized by actors in the foreign policy-making process. Brazilian Agricultural Diplomacy in the 21st Century is suitable for scholars and researchers studying developing economies in global governance, power transitions and multilateralism, food and climate politics, and domestic interests in foreign policy.