Beyond Left Right

How should one understand the nature and possibilities of political radicalism today? The political radical is normally thought of as someone who stands on the left, opposing backward-looking conservatism. In the present day, however, the left has turned defensive, while the right has become radical, advocating the free play of market forces no matter what obstacles of tradition or custom stand in their way. What explains such a curious twist of perspective? In answering this question Giddens develops a new framework for radical politics, drawing freely on what he calls "philosophic conservatism", but applying this outlook in the service of values normally associated with the Left. The ecological crisis is at the core of this analysis, but is understood by Giddens in an unconventional way - as a response to a world in which modernity has run up against its limits as a social and moral order. The end of nature, as an entity existing independently of human intervention, and the end of tradition, combined with the impact of globalization, are the forces which now have to be confronted, made use of and coped with. This book provides a powerful interpretation of the rise of fundamentalism, of democracy, the persistence of gender divisions and the question of a normative political theory of violence. It will be essential reading for anyone seeking a novel approach to the political challenges which we face at the turn of the twenty-first century.

Enough of the imbalance that is causing the degradation of our environment, the demise of our democracies, and the denigration of ourselves. Enough of the pendulum politics of left and right and paralysis in the political center. We require an unprecedented form of radical renewal. In this book Henry Mintzberg offers a new understanding of the root of our current crisis and a strategy for restoring the balance so vital to the survival of our progeny and our planet. With the collapse of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe, Western pundits declared that capitalism had triumphed. They were wrong—balance triumphed. A healthy society balances a public sector of respected governments, a private sector of responsible businesses, and a plural sector of robust communities. Communism collapsed under the weight of its overbearing public sector. Now the “liberal democracies” are threatened—socially, politically, even economically—by the unchecked excesses of the private sector. Radical renewal will have to begin in the plural sector, which alone has the inclination and the independence to challenge unacceptable practices and develop better ones. Too many governments have been co-opted by the private sector. And corporate social responsibility can't compensate for the corporate social irresponsibility we see around us “They” won't do it. We shall have to do it, each of us and all of us, not as passive “human resources,” but as resourceful human beings. Tom Paine wrote in 1776, “We have it in our power to begin the world over again.” He was right then. Can we be right again now? Can we afford not to be?

How should one understand the nature and possibilities of politicalradicalism today? The political radical is normally thought of assomeone who stands on the left, opposing backward-lookingconservatism. In the present day, however, the left has turneddefensive, while the right has become radical, advocating the freeplay of market forces no matter what obstacles of tradition orcustom stand in their way. What explains such a curious twist of perspective? In answeringthis question Giddens develops a new framework for radicalpolitics, drawing freely on what he calls "philosophicconservatism", but applying this outlook in the service of valuesnormally associated with the Left. The ecological crisis is at thecore of this analysis, but is understood by Giddens in anunconventional way - as a response to a world in which modernityhas run up against its limits as a social and moral order. The endof nature, as an entity existing independently of humanintervention, and the end of tradition, combined with the impact ofglobalization, are the forces which now have to be confronted, madeuse of and coped with. This book provides a powerful interpretation of the rise offundamentalism, of democracy, the persistence of gender divisionsand the question of a normative political theory of violence. Itwill be essential reading for anyone seeking a novel approach tothe political challenges which we face at the turn of thetwenty-first century.

The 2008 U.S. presidential election is already heating up, fueled by debates about religion and politics, and dividing people of faith. Many Christians want to engage in politics but feel underequipped and overwhelmed. Wheaton College political scientist Amy E. Black believes Christians must become politically educated, not stereotyped and polarized. Beyond Left and Right offers a complete guide to the inner workings of American politics, equipping readers to think intelligently and to actively engage politics with their faith. Black is intentionally unbiased and avoids fleeting hot-button issues, ensuring the staying power of Beyond Left and Right, even after the election dust settles. Recommended for Christians and students interested in faith and politics.

Two Italian writers, Gaetano Mosca and Antonio Gramsci, have been very influential in twentieth-century political thought, the first cast as a thoroughgoing conservative, the second as the model of a humanistic Marxist. The author of this provocative book, the first systematic study of the connection between the two men, maintains that they are closer to each other than is commonly supposed-that they in fact belong to the same political tradition of democratic elitism. Maurice A. Finocchiaro argues that Gramsci's political theory is a constructive critique of Mosca's and that the key common element is the attempt to combine democracy and elitism in a theoretical system that defines them not as opposite but as compatible and interdependent. Finocchiaro finds that a critical examination of the major works of the two men demonstrates their shared belief in the viability of democratic elitism and undermines the importance of the distinction between right and left.

How left/right ideology has evolved in the postwar era and changed Canadian politics.

Following the collapse of communism and the decline of Marxism, some commentators have claimed that we have reached the 'end of history' and that the distinction between Left and Right can be forgotten. In this book - which was a tremendous success in Italy - Norberto Bobbio challenges these views, arguing that the fundamental political distinction between Left and Right, which has shaped the two centuries since the French Revolution, has continuing relevance today. Bobbio explores the grounds of this elusive distinction and argues that Left and Right are ultimately divided by different attitudes to equality. He carefully defines the nature of equality and inequality in relative rather than absolute terms. Left and Right is a timely and persuasively argued account of the basic parameters of political action and debate in the modern world - parameters which have remained constant despite the pace of social change. The book will be widely read and, as in Italy, it will have an impact far beyond the academic domain.

Explores the complex relationship between avant-garde art and politics to reveal links with right-wing or fascist causes